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Presentation

The Reasonable Leap into Light: A Barebones Secular Argument for the Gospel

Daniel C. Peterson

Well, we’re running a bit late and so I’m going to try to go through this fairly quickly. But I have to say that John Lynch, the chairman of the FairMormon board, explained to me that the reason that they had decided to go late was to give me more time to finish my talk, which I very much appreciate.

All right, I want to talk about a topic that I’ve been thinking about for a long, long time and I called it — the title that has been in my mind for a long time has been The Reasonable Leap into Light. It’s an allusion to the concept of a leap of faith. The subtitle – A Bare-bones Secular Argument for the Gospel – I don’t know, that just came to me. I probably won’t use it again, but I wanted to address an issue that has bothered me for a long, long time. I hear people say things like, “I know it’s not rational, I know it’s not logical, but I choose to believe.” And what I want to argue is that belief is not irrational. It is not illogical. You’re not crucifying your mind in order to believe. I’m not going to argue that you can prove religious claims true or specifically Latter-day Saint claims true. But I am going to argue that they’re reasonable. And I think in some cases, on some specific issues, we can get pretty strong security.

What do I mean by a secular argument? I mean an argument that’s not going to call upon things like the Spirit, the witness, the testimony of the Holy Ghost. That is a different thing, but that can’t be delivered to you by a lecture or by reading a book by itself. You have to get that yourself from God, that’s personal and individual to you. What I want to argue, though, is that there are arguments that can be made for the rationality of the Gospel, of belief in God, in Christianity and in specifically Mormonism. So I’m going to be offering not so much the secular argument that I want to give, but an outline of the kind of argument that I would want to give and I’m going to dip in on occasion to give you some of the texture of that, some specifics. But believe me, I’m talking about a much bigger project than I’m going to be able to outline right now.

I started off – and I may have mentioned this before — but I started off wanting to write a book. I was involved with a young man who wanted to leave the church. He wanted to have his name removed from the records and I began trying to formulate arguments that might help him out. And eventually I thought, you know, some of these are pretty good. Maybe they should be written up into a short book. So I began tinkering with a short book and then it became a big book, and then I broke it into two books. And now I’ve broken it into four books. I’m splitting off a fifth book. And now just today, the thought occurred to me, maybe there’s a sixth book that really needs to be written as sort of a preface to this. So the fact is I’m probably going to die before I publish any of them. That’s the only way they’ll get published. They’ll have to rip them out of my cold fingers. But it’s a big project and it frustrates me sometimes because I think there are things that – they’re already out there. I’m not claiming much of this to be original with me — but there are things that I’d like to put together in maybe an original way or a way that many Latter-day Saints, at least, haven’t seen and that it might be helpful to some people. I’m frustrated by how long it takes. I just don’t get to it. Or, rather, I’m getting to it in bits and pieces but it’s such a big project it’s going to take a long while to get to. But I’d love to get it out there and the sooner I can the better, I suppose.

I’m going to be drawing on a couple of thinkers. Let’s see if I’ve got this going the right way. Yes. One of them is William James. William James was, some have argued, one of the greatest philosophers ever produced in the United States. He was the brother of the novelist Henry James. He was really a psychologist. His Principles of Psychology[1] was a foundational text in the discipline, but he has become famous as a founder of pragmatism and so on. He was one of the great figures in the philosophy program at Harvard until his death in 1910. And there are a lot of things that I want to borrow from William James. I’ll just mention one today. One is an analogy that he used about a carriage. He’s talking about decision making under conditions of uncertainty where you don’t know absolutely, certainly, whether x is true or y is true but you have to make a decision nonetheless. And he says, imagine yourself in a carriage. The driver has gone in to get a drink. This is like one of those stories about Joseph Smith. Suddenly the carriage begins to roll down the hill and it’s going faster and faster. You have to make a decision. How are you going to react to this? You’re not sure whether it would be safer to stay in the carriage. You know, that might be safe, but on the other hand, it might smash into something at the base of the hill and you die. Would it be wiser to jump out? On the other hand, if you jump out you might be killed. You just don’t know. He says under conditions like that, either decision is rational. That’s sort of a basic statement of rationality, that if you can’t really decide, you have to just kind of go with one and it’s, you know, as long as it’s roughly 50-50 or 60-40, or something like that, you’re not making an irrational decision. You might turn out to be wrong, but you were reasonable in making that decision.

That’s one of the ways I’m going to be looking at rationality. If I can get you to something like 50-50 then I’m relatively happy. You then have to choose based on your own personality, your predilections, your spiritual intuitions and so on. But as I say, in some cases I think I can take the argument further than 50-50. William James also talks about live options versus dead options. In some cases people simply won’t consider a case because it seems so absurd to them that they don’t even want to look at the evidence, and we do that all the time, frankly. If somebody comes to me arguing that the Earth is flat, I’m not really interested in the technical arguments that a flat-earther might make. On the whole, I just don’t see it as a live option. For me it’s a dead option. For some people Mormonism is a dead option, right? I got an e-mail from somebody just today. When I invited him to consider the evidence about the witnesses and he said, “No, it’s not worth my time.” And I said, “Well, fine. You make your decisions, then you live with the consequences. I’ve tried to persuade you to look at Richard Anderson’s book, for example. If you don’t want to, that’s your decision. It’s up to you.”

There is another thinker that I have in mind as I sort of look at this issue, which is Pascal, the great French mathematician and philosopher. You may know Pascal’s wager. Pascal said basically, look, in this life, again under conditions of uncertainty, assuming you really don’t know, you have to decide what would be most in your interest. You could assume there is no God and live a life of worldliness and so on. If, when you die, you’re dead and that’s it, well, you haven’t lost anything. On the other hand, you haven’t gained much because you’re dead. But he said, assume that there is a God and you make the right wager, then you will have gained a lot. If you make the wrong wager, you will pay a big price for that. It’s a fairly cold, calculating sort of wager. I’ll come back to that point in just a minute. But it has one obvious weakness, which is that it doesn’t allow you to decide. He lived in a society that was overwhelmingly Catholic. That was the religious option that was available to him. But if you live in a pluralistic society, you’re still left with a question, “Okay, I want to be religious. I want to be faithful. Should I be a Muslim, a Hindu, a Buddhist, a Christian? If a Christian: Catholic, Protestant, Methodist, Mormon, Jehovah’s Witness, Christian Scientist?” It doesn’t help you decide there. Nevertheless, it does say something about which way you ought to be inclined under conditions of uncertainty. So I’ll be coming back to that. I’m going to also be drawing on this cute little thing. Some of you may recognize it.

Equation

This is Bayes’ theorem. Bayes’ theorem is a theorem in probability theory and statistics which describes the probability of an event based on conditions that might be related to the event. I won’t get into the details, but if you have a case where certain things are true, that makes certain other things more likely than not. If you believe there is a God, for example, the probability that Christ rose from the dead rises a bit. If you believe there absolutely is no God and no supernatural then the probability of Christ rising from the dead is very, very low, given your assumptions. In other words, it could become a live or a dead option, depending on what you believed before that. So my case is a cumulative case where I’m trying to argue certain things. Theism first, then Christian theism, then if I’ve got you that far, Mormon Christian theism, OK? And I’m happy with anybody who follows me any distance along the way with those arguments. The further I can get them, the happier I am. But I’m happy if I can get them from atheism to theism, from theism to Christian theism and so on. I’ll give you a little more detail on that for those of you who want to study Bayes’ theorem.

Bayes Theorum

An example would be if you say that John has cancer, it might be helpful to know that John is age 65. You’re not sure that he has cancer, but if he’s 5 the odds are somewhat higher than if he’s 10. because cancer is often related to age. So the information about his age might increase or decrease the probability that the diagnosis of cancer is accurate.

As I say, I’m bracketing the question of personal revelation, but it’s not because I don’t think it important. It’s simply because that’s not something that I can deliver to you with a book or a lecture or even a film project, as I’m hoping possibly to do in connection with this.

And I wanted to come back to Pascal. He’s been accused of being sort of bloodless and coldly rational and cynical in this wager of his; but you have to understand Pascal’s own biography. That wasn’t his personal stance. Here’s something that was found sewn into the lining of his coat when he died, by his servant. The servant found a paper that he’d sewn into his coat, which obviously meant a great deal to him. He was talking about an event that occurred to him on November 23, 1654. He was in his Paris apartment when he evidently had something like a vision, what he called a “night of fire.” This is what he wrote:

“From about half-past ten in the evening
until … half-past midnight.
Fire.
The God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, the God of Jacob.
Not of the philosophers and intellectuals.
Certitude, certitude, feeling, joy, peace.
The God of Jesus Christ.
…
Oh just Father, the world has not known you,
but I have known you.
Joy, joy, joy, tears of joy.
…
This is eternal life, that they know you the one true God and [Jesus Christ] whom you have sent.”

And then he closes: “Your God [will be] my God,”[2] quoting Ruth in the Bible. So obviously that goes way beyond what I can offer with a lecture, but that needs to be kept in mind. If that comes to you, you don’t need syllogisms, but it may take syllogisms or arguments to get you to the point where religion becomes a live option.

I’ve cited before the case of my own father who – I grew up in a part-member family, marginal mother and non-member father. And it wasn’t until my father began reading the works of Hugh Nibley, fairly late in his life, that the question suddenly occurred to him, as he explained it to me, “Could this possibly be true?” That hadn’t been a live option in his mind until Nibley convinced him that maybe it was worth inquiring about. And he ultimately did join the church.

There are other arguments that could be made. For example, you could argue – and I will make the argument – not that this proves that religion is true, but that religious believers, according to a lot of measurements, a lot of studies, are more contented, healthier and so on. The old argument that Freud made, that religion was some kind of mental illness and that it incapacitated you in some way, this is simply not true. The evidence indicates that religious people are healthier by many, many measures.

There was a book, in fact, done by a professor who teaches a course on C.S. Lewis and Freud at Harvard Medical School, a psychiatrist there, who compares the two of them and which one of them was happier and healthier, mentally and emotionally. Not even close. Not even close, okay? So another person that I will be drawing on is C.S. Lewis. I mean C.S. Lewis is – I read him a lot when I was younger, and then I paused for a while and then I began to read him again and I thought, “Good grief, he’s even better than I thought,” just on a lot of levels. One of the arguments he makes has to do with moral intuition – he’s not the only one who makes it. He, at one point, says, “Try to imagine an utterly new moral value. You can’t, any more than you can imagine a new primary color.” I mean, they just come to you, they’re sort of delivered to you. What does that mean? Is that a rock solid argument for the existence of God? I don’t think so, but it might be an indicator of something in the universe that is beyond just matter and motion, which as we heard today from Steven Webb, matter and motion is a problematic concept in and of itself. If you want to read an interesting book, read Richard Panek’s The 4% Universe.[3] He’s talking about the discovery of dark matter and dark energy. Only 4% of the universe is matter as we know it. The old common sense materialism is dead, because 96% of the universe is something we can’t even figure out what it is. But it’s there in massive quantities, okay? So moral intuition seems to point towards something in the universe that is behind what we can observe, what we can measure, what we can analyze in the test tube.

I’m going to be drawing on John Calvin, an unlikely suspect for a Latter-day Saint. But John Calvin talked a lot about what he called the sensus divinitatis, the sense of the divine, a kind of natural intuition of God. That counts for something too. Or you can look at Alvin Plantinga, the great philosopher of religion at Notre Dame, who has argued for what he calls “proper warrant,” that it is legitimate for people to regard religious faith, the conviction that there is a God, as something that is “properly basic” in his technical terminology, that if their rational functions and their senses and so on are working in a normal way, for them to simply have this overwhelming sense of God, that he exists, is a legitimate stance to take philosophically.[4] I’ll draw on that. I’ll draw on words with a sense of intuition. And this is related back, again, to C.S. Lewis, something that he talked a lot about and it means a lot to me because I understand it. He talks in his autobiography and elsewhere about a sense of longing. He uses the German word Sehnsucht, for it – yearning, or something like that, or a sense of what he called “pure northernness,” hence the slide. For him, and incidentally for me, it’s coincidental, but I understood immediately what he was talking about. There’s a sense of something missing in this universe but it hits you at odd moments. There’s a certain chord in Bach’s Toccata and Fugue in D Minor that hits me every single time. I know when it’s coming, and that hits me. But there are certain landscapes and they point beyond themselves to something that indicates – to borrow Eliza Snow’s phrase – “you’re a stranger and a pilgrim” or “you’re a stranger here.”[5] You know there’s something – it isn’t satisfied. It’s hinted at in this world, but it points to something beyond. These are all the sorts of things that are sort of preparatory.

I’m an Islamicist, right? So I had to draw on something from Islam. Jalal al-Din Rumi, the great Sufi mystic poet, in the very first part of his Masnavi, uses an image of the reed flute. Why is the reed flute so sad sounding? Why is it so plaintive? Because the reed was cut from the riverbed where it belongs and it’s in isolation. It’s been taken away from its home and it wants to get back to where it belongs.[6] And we all have that sense that we want to go back to where we belong. It’s really St. Augustine from the very first page of his Confessions, “Our hearts are restless until we rest in thee.”[7] And for a lot of us – not everybody, clearly – I doubt that Richard Dawkins has ever felt it – but for a lot of us there’s a sort of God-shaped hole in the heart or some sense of spiritual yearning. It may not hit you all the time, and much of our modern life is designed to sort of avoid this feeling. We keep ourselves really busy with all sorts of nonsensical, frenetic activity. But what we’re concealing from ourselves is the sense that there’s something more, right? And a lot of people feel that and Augustine, Lewis and others would argue that it cannot be satisfied until you turn to God in some way.

I’m going to be looking at evidence for the paranormal. I never thought I would be doing this, but I actually am convinced now that there is some fairly solid evidence. Gary Schwartz at the University of Arizona has done some remarkable work on ESP. I mean, psychic stuff. I thought that was crazy. But reading some of the current research and listening to people like John Hick, for example, the late John Hick, the philosopher at Claremont and Birmingham, he said, “no, if you really read the Society of Psychical Research stuff, some of it is actually very difficult to account for,” on the assumption that this universe is just a material commonsense sort of place. There are some funny things going on in the universe that don’t fit the materialist worldview. These all, to me, are indicators of something, something real, something beyond.

Then, this is all preparatory stuff, I’m not into the real argument yet. You can see why this is going to go on and on and on and on.

I want to address the issue of cosmic fine-tuning. The initial question is why is there something rather than nothing. But why is it orderly? Albert Einstein said that “the eternal mystery of the world is its comprehensibility.”[8] Why in the world does it make sense? Or there’s a Hungarian-born American theoretical physicist and also a Nobel laureate by the name of Eugene Wigner who wrote a very famous paper entitled The Unreasonable Effectiveness of Mathematics.[9] And what struck him was how weird it was that mathematicians could sit in their studies inventing mathematical theorems and so on, imaginary numbers and so on, and then they would apply to the universe. Why? Why, in a creature who just evolved sort of randomly in the savannas of Africa or something like that? Why do we even have to have minds, brains that can do this sort of thing? And why does the mathematics that we think of fit the universe? It’s odd. It’s very strange that it applies to the real outside world.

But I want to run a few figures by you, and I’m made a little nervous by the fact there is a theoretical physicist sitting on the front row here. But here we go anyway. Fools rush in where angels fear to tread, right? By the way, I’ve got a title in my head that I want to use for something, I just can’t think of any relevant purpose for it. I wanted to write something called Fools Rush in Where Engels Feared to Tread, about Friedrich Engels and Karl Marx, but I just don’t know what to do with it. Anyway….

Cosmic fine-tuning – I’m going to read this part, because I actually wrote up a few paragraphs on it for something else. Scientific study of the universe in recent decades has revealed an intricate and finely tuned ensemble of factors that make our existence possible. The seminal text is probably Brandon Carter’s 1974 paper Large Number Coincidences and the Anthropic Principle in Cosmology.[10] These factors, sometimes (as in the title of Brandon Carter’s paper) question-beggingly called anthropic coincidences, are necessary conditions for life as we know it and as we can conceive it. (For that reason, some have argued that the proper term ought to be biocentric rather than anthropic.[11]) That they exist is not in question. It’s their significance that’s debated. There are various lists of these, some fairly long. For the sake of brevity, though, I’ll concentrate on just six of them as they’re listed in the appropriately titled book Just Six Numbers written by Sir Martin Rees, the Astronomer Royal of England, former Master of Trinity College, Cambridge, and past President of the Royal Society. “Two of them,” he says, “relate to the basic forces; two fix the size and overall ‘texture’ of our universe and determine whether it will continue for ever; and two more fix the properties of space itself”.[12]

  1. The ratio of the electromagnetic force to the force of gravity (N).This can also be expressed as the electrical force between two protons – you’re not going to have to remember this, but I want you to get the sense of it. This can be expressed as the electrical force between two protons divided by the gravitational force between them. N equals – I’m going to read the number to you, if I can – 1,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000 – OK, I don’t think I left any zeros out. If it were slightly smaller than the value we actually see, Professor Rees says, “only a short-lived miniature universe could exist: no creatures could grow larger than insects, and there would be no time for biological evolution.”[13]
  1. The strong nuclear force.The strong nuclear force accounts for the firmness with which atomic nuclei bind together. It determines how long stars live.[14] It has a value of 0.007 and it “controls the power from the Sun and, more sensitively, how stars transmute hydrogen into all the atoms of the periodic table.”[15] Without the heavier elements – especially carbon – life as we know it would be impossible. But if the value of this constant were .006 or .008, neither they nor we would exist.
  1. The amount of matter in the universe – (Ω) (omega).
    The cosmic number Ω is a measure of the total amount of material in the known universe, regardless of the form in which it occurs, whether in galaxies and diffuse gas or in so-called “dark matter” and “dark energy.” Ω answers the question of “the relative importance of gravity and expansion energy in the universe”[16] after the big bang. “If this ratio were too high relative to a particular ‘critical’ value,” Professor Rees explains, “the universe would have collapsed long ago; had it been too [low], no galaxies or stars would have formed. The initial expansion speed seems to have been finely tuned.”[17] It’s rather, he says, “like sitting at the bottom of a well and throwing a stone up” with such precision that its rise comes to a stop at precisely the top of the well.[18] “[A]t one second after the Big Bang,” he continues, “Ω cannot have differed from unity by more than one part in a million billion.”[19]
  1. Cosmic repulsion (λ) (lambda).In 1998, cosmologists recognized the importance of cosmic antigravity in controlling the expansion of the universe. In particular they noticed that it becomes increasingly important as the expanding universe becomes more diffuse, darker, and emptier. “Fortunately for us (and very surprisingly to theorists),” says Martin Rees, “λ is very small. Otherwise its effect would have stopped galaxies and stars from forming, and cosmic evolution would have been stifled before it could even begin.”[20]
  1. The ratio of the gravitational binding force to rest mass energy (Q).“The seeds for all cosmic structures – stars, galaxies and clusters of galaxies – were all imprinted in the Big Bang.”[21] Q determines what might be called the “texture” or “fabric” of the universe, and is, thus, fundamentally important. Its value is about 1/100,000. “If Q were even smaller,” writes Professor Rees, “the universe would be inert and structureless; if Q were much larger, it would be a violent place, in which no stars or solar systems could survive, dominated by vast black holes.”[22] “Q,” he continues, was “imprinted in the very early universe,” and “the ‘embryos’ of clusters and superclusters – structures stretching millions of light-years across the sky – can be traced back to a time when the entire universe was of microscopic size.”[23]
  1. The sixth of the six numbers – the number of spatial dimensions (D).This may seem a strange one to most of us, but it’s crucial that there are three spatial dimensions. String theory – controversial, I know – holds that there were originally ten or eleven dimensions at the birth of the universe, but they were “compacted” into a lower number. “Life couldn’t exist,” says Professor Rees, “if D were two or four.”[24]

Together, these figures constitute what Martin Rees labels “a ‘recipe’ for a universe.”[25] If any one of them were lacking, we would be lacking as well. Yet each of these six numbers seems to be independent of the other. The value of one cannot be predicted – not thus far, at least – from the value of any other, nor from the assembled values of the others altogether.

To continue with this: “[W]hy,” asks the famous British cosmologist Stephen Hawking, “is the universe so close to the dividing line between collapsing again and expanding indefinitely? In order to be as close as we are now, the rate of expansion early on had to be chosen fantastically accurately. If the rate of expansion one second after the big bang had been less by one part in 1010, [that’s one part in ten billion] the universe would have collapsed after a few million years. If it had been greater by one part in 1010, the universe would have been essentially empty after a few millions years. In neither case would it have lasted long enough for life to develop.”[26]

“[I]f the electric charge of the electron had been only slightly different, stars … would have been unable to burn hydrogen and helium, or else they would not have exploded…. [I]t seems clear that there are relatively few ranges of values for the numbers [for the constants] that would allow for the development of any form of intelligent life. Most sets of values would give rise to universes that, although they might be very beautiful, would contain no one able to wonder at that beauty.”[27]

I’m now going to mention an incredibly large number. Please recall that 1010 is equivalent to the number 1 followed by ten zeros, which is ten billion. 10123, by contrast, is [1] followed by 123 zeros. Imagine the number 1010 multiplied by 10123. It’s a pretty big number. Sir Roger Penrose, who served for many years as the Rouse Ball Professor of Mathematics at the Mathematical Institute at the University of Oxford, is my source for that number. “How big,” he asks, “was the original phase-[space] volume … that the Creator had to aim for in order to provide a universe compatible with the second law of thermodynamics and with what we now observe?… The Creator’s aim must have been [precise] … to an accuracy of one part in [1010 multiplied by 10123]. This is an extraordinary figure. One could not possibly write the number down in full, in the ordinary denary notation: it would be ‘1’ followed by 10123 successive ‘0’s! Even if we were to write a ‘0’ on each separate proton and on each separate neutron in the entire universe – and we could throw in all the other particles as well for good measure – we [would] fall … short of writing down the [number] needed. [This is] the precision needed to set the universe on its course.”[28] “I cannot even recall,” Penrose has written elsewhere, “seeing anything else in physics whose accuracy is known to approach, even remotely, a figure like one part in 1010(123).”[29]

But numbers in the same general ballpark abound. If, for example, the strength of gravity had been different “by one part in ten thousand billion, billion, billion,”[30] writes Robin Collins, we would not exist.

If the ratio of electron-to-proton mass were larger than it is, chemical bonding would be insufficient for life chemistry.[31] The allowable variation, some have calculated, is about one in [1037]. This [is] an incredibly small number. Says Hugh Ross, a Ph.D. astrophysicist turned evangelist, “One part in 1037 is such an incredibly sensitive balance that it is hard to visualize. The following analogy might help: Cover the entire North American continent in dimes all the way up to the moon, a height of about 239,000 miles. (In comparison, the money to pay for the U.S. federal government debt would cover one square mile less than two feet deep with dimes. [That’s still pretty big.] Next, pile dimes from here to the moon on a billion other continents the same size as North America. Paint one dime red and mix it into the [billions of] piles of dimes. Blindfold a friend and ask him to pick out one dime. The odds that he will pick the red dime are one in 1037.”[32] Thus, even Steven Weinberg, a vocally atheist Nobel laureate cosmologist at Princeton, acknowledges that it “does seem remarkably well adjusted in our favor.”[33]

In fact, “[i]f the cosmological constant were not fine-tuned to within an extremely narrow range – one part in 1053 or even 10120 of its ‘theoretically possible’ range of values – the universe would expand so rapidly that all matter would quickly disperse, and thus galaxies, stars, and even small [aggregations] of matter [would] never form.”[34] According to philosopher Robin Collins, the odds of this occurring by random chance are roughly equivalent to those of hitting a bull’s eye on Earth less than the size of a single atom with a dart casually thrown from space.[35] As physicist Stephen Barr comments, “This is one of the most precise fine-tunings in all of physics.”[36]

As Sir Fred Hoyle, another atheist, rather dejectedly wrote, it’s as if “a superintellect has monkeyed with [the] physics, as well as with [the] chemistry and [the] biology, and … there are no blind forces worth speaking about in nature.”[37]

Now, you know, someone might respond to this and say, and people do say all the time, “Well, OK, so the universe is fine-tuned, big deal.” You know, “OK, we live in a universe that makes it possible for us to live. If it didn’t make it possible for us to live, we wouldn’t be here. End of question. You know, that’s it.”

John Leslie wrote a wonderful little book called Universes. He’s a philosopher who looked at this question. He comes up with a nice analogy. He says, OK, that lack of curiosity seems rather unscientific. Imagine you were in front of a firing squad. You’ve been sentenced to die. There are 12 or 15 sharpshooters standing about 25 feet away. They’re aiming at a target on your chest. The person counts down, pronounces the order to fire, they all fire, and … you’re still there. What do you say? “Well, you know, I’m not curious because, obviously, if they’d killed me, I wouldn’t be here to ask the questions. So, you know, so I’m not going to inquire any more to find out why I’m here.” That’s a certain lack of curiosity there, it seems to me.

What I would argue is that it seems to me, that you can at least make the argument. I’m not going to say it’s a slamdunk, but you can at least make the argument, based on these and many other similar things, that intelligence may have been involved in the universe from the start, that there’s something about this that seems as if a superintellect has monkeyed with the physics.

There are other things. I don’t want to spend too much time on that, because I’ve got other things I want to cover. In fact, I need to see how much more time I have here. Oh my, not much. Got to pick up the pace.

All right, this is the famous “blue marble” image, one of the great pictures of the Earth taken from space. It puts it in a different perspective for us. There are some books that have come out within recent years, one of them bearing the title Rare Earth (I quite like that) in which they make the point that the Earth is really quite remarkable. When I grew up, the Earth was an undistinguished planet, in an undistinguished solar system, in an undistinguished part of the Milky Way galaxy. Big deal, you know. The Copernican revolution supposedly dethroned the Earth and all that. We now learn there are a lot of things about the Earth, including plate tectonics and so on, that are really quite remarkable, and if you don’t have them, you can’t have life.

Now, again, does this prove design? I’m not arguing that. I’m arguing that this is not quite so easy to brush off as it might seem. I’m interested with these in only getting into the 50/50 point where you’re willing to consider the possibility that maybe the universe is a “put-up job,” as Fred Hoyle also called it.

OK, so I don’t want to go further on that, but there’s a lot more detail on that particular element of the argument.

Looking at primitive life, for example, the origin of life, when I grew up, the Miller-Urey experiment was the big deal. We all knew that, you know, under certain conditions life would come to be in a natural way, because Miller-Urey had been able to form amino acids, simple amino acids in a test tube. It now turns out that’s probably wrong, because the conditions of the early Earth were not like those in the Miller-Urey experiment, and anyway, amino acids are still not life. We still don’t really know how life arose.

One thing that we do know is that life is incredibly complex, that when you look at something like DNA, you’re looking at the equivalent of thousands of sets of the Encyclopedia Britannica, in terms of data. Now the Encyclopedia Britannica may not mean much to many of you who have never actually seen an encyclopedia, but for the older generation who know what they look like on a shelf, that’s a lot of information, right? So there’s a lot going on in DNA.

And some other things we’ve discovered, that life originated on the Earth about as early as it was physically possible for it to originate. This is really interesting. It used to be thought that, well, given enough time, enough chance, life will come to be. As soon as the Earth was cool enough for [life] to appear, it now seems life appeared. What does that mean? I don’t know, but it does mean that it’s not just a matter of throwing …. Like politicians solve problems by throwing money at them, right? Speculators about the early Earth and life on Earth used to just throw enough time at it – enough time, well anything can happen. It reminds me of the cartoon, maybe some you of you have seen, of the two physicists, they’re standing in front of a white board, and there are all these equations on the white board, but right in the middle of it it says, “then a miracle occurs” and then it goes on. And the one physicist is saying to the other, “You know, maybe you should be more explicit about that stage.” You know?

It’s sort of a “science of the gaps,” if you will. You hear the “God of the gaps” argument dismissed all the time, and rightly so, but there’s a “science of the gaps,” you know, we’re sometimes given a promissory note that well, we’re going to explain this. Maybe they will and maybe they won’t, but the fact is that there are some remarkable things here. And that DNA arises in ways we don’t really know. We could get into the whole specified complexity issue and so on. But I don’t want to spend much more time on that, because I don’t have much more time on that.

One other issue that I want to talk about is the whole issue of consciousness. We don’t know what consciousness is. Now that’s odd, because consciousness is the thing we are most closely acquainted with. We know about our own consciousness. That’s precisely the point. I can cut into somebody else’s head. I can see how the brain functions. We can measure what parts of the brain fire up at certain points. But we cannot have the sense of what’s going on in that head. My personal subjective experiences are mine; they’re not yours. And I can never have yours; you can never have mine. And we don’t know what that means. Where did consciousness come from? Even if you create a really elaborate computer, is it conscious? And how would we know?

What’s his name, the mathematician who’s big, the movie was just done about him?

[Other: Turing.]

Yeah, the Turing machine, you know, the Turing machine problem. You could have something that behaves as if it’s conscious, but how would you know, unless you can gain access to it? We don’t know how to gain access to it.

The whole question of intentionality: I had a dialogue with someone just yesterday – I have these dialogues all the time on the internet, but they’re useful to me. I learn what’s going on out there, what’s agitating the hive, if you will – and this fellow was saying, “Look, thought is nothing more than” … he’s quoting someone; he probably doesn’t know he is, but … “thought is something secreted by the brain in the same way the liver secretes bile,” right? And “it’s just a chemical thing.”

I said, “Well, then, why should I listen to you, any more than I should listen to your toaster?”

He says, “What does that mean? My toaster doesn’t have thoughts.”

And I said, “Well, by your standards, neither do you.” If thought is just a neurochemical event, then what is it? And how can a neurochemical or an electrochemical event be about anything else? I mean, he may be thinking that he’s thinking about the nature of the brain, but toasters aren’t doing anything. I mean, physical events and physical objects aren’t about anything else. If your brain … your liver, when it’s secreting bile, that secretion is not about the planet Mars. The astronomer may be thinking he’s thinking about the planet Mars, but if his brain is no different than his liver or his kidney, it’s hard to know what that would even mean.

But the fact is we know that we do think, OK? I mean, it’s funny to me to see some philosophers of consciousness now saying consciousness is an illusion. Well then, who’s having the illusion? What in the world are you talking about?

It reminds me of the great Bishop Berkeley. He said that everything was just imaginary. And was it … I’m getting this confused now … it’s Samuel Johnson who walks out and kicks a rock, which he said was real and is not a mental event, you know, not hallucination, and he said, “There, I’ve refuted Berkeley.” And in a way, he had. I mean, the very thought that I can think this is wrong proves that the whole idea that I can’t think is wrong. Does that make sense to you? And every one of you here right now, if you’re thinking, “that speaker is an idiot,” you’re proving that I’m right. So you can’t get around this, all right?

So OK, now I want to take the argument a little further and look at something that a lot of you have heard about – near-death experiences. I’m not going to get into the great details of near-death experiences. I’m not interested, for purposes of this argument, in the details of heaven or something like that. But here you may recognize this famous painting, the Ascent into the Empyrean by Hieronymus Bosch. Clearly, it seems to me, he had heard stories of a tunnel of light. Look at that. The souls of the deceased are being taken into this tunnel toward the light at the end of the tunnel. This is not new stuff.

You know, what’s his name, Raymond Moody, just started this a few years ago, basically, and now we know all about the tunnel of light. But it’s been around for a long time. You can find older accounts of it.

What really interests me, though, is the part of those near-death experiences that is connected with out-of-body experiences. Going back to William James – William James once said that all you needed to do to refute the idea that all crows are black is to find one white crow, OK? If you can find one case of a verifiable out-of-body experience, naturalism, materialism, collapses. Right?

Now I think there are a lot of cases like that that look very promising. I’ll mention one – the case of Pam Reynolds. So you may have heard of this, a very famous case in which a woman underwent a very delicate brain operation under the most tightly controlled conditions, in Arizona. Her body was frozen; her brain activity or heart activity, everything, reduced to zero. There was a staff around her watching everything. They were using an experimental knife to cut into her skull and work on her brain. Her eyes were taped shut; her face was muffled with gauze, and so on. She couldn’t see anything; she couldn’t hear anything. They had little clickers in her ears to make sure that if there was any kind of brain activity from those clicking sounds, they would detect it. There was nothing, totally flat-lined for several minutes. When she came out of it, she was able to describe what had gone on in the operating room. She was able to describe and draw this weird knife that they were using, which was an experimental thing she had never seen.

Now that’s just one case of many, but if that case is true, then the naturalistic equation of brain and mind or brain and spirit is false. Right there, it’s overturned. Well, I’m going to be looking at, in some detail, there are a lot of cases like this. And, as I say, one white crow, that’s all you need. If you can get a lot of white crows, even better, but one white crow is enough.

Remember, we’re thinking in Bayesian terms here. The idea is, if you once establish that it’s even possible this universe isn’t the closed, naturalistic system a lot of people think, then certain other things become more plausible.

So I move on to the next stage, which is an argument which I’m not going to do here today. I’m just going to summarize a couple of things. I’m not making any of the arguments in detail that I’m going to make. Believe me, there’s a lot more stuff that I’m talking about –six fairly big volumes that I’m working on.

But now if we’ve established it’s at least possible, you know, that the universe is some sort of more mysterious place than we’d thought, then the whole idea of the resurrection of Christ becomes at least something you can be open to. So what is the evidence for that? Did Christ really rise from the dead?

Well, there are a lot of detailed historical arguments that can be made for this. It was universally agreed in antiquity that the tomb was empty. Jewish critics of Christianity agreed with that. Nobody denied it. From the start, you find that in the New Testament but also in later Jewish materials. They say, yeah, the body was stolen, just what was said in the Gospel of Matthew, right? If Jesus’ body had still been in the tomb, it would have been the easiest thing in the world to put an end to this thing – “Well, there he is, right? Decomposing in the tomb.” But the body wasn’t there.

There are several things that I’ll bring up here. Early witnesses, for example, the oldest things in the New Testament go back very, very early. 1 Corinthians 15, you have a whole list of witnesses. This is early material. That’s within 20 years or so of the death of Christ. And there are creeds quoted in the letters of Paul that seem to be much older. Some people have argued they go back to within five years of the event. It’s not the hundreds of years that the Tübingen School said years ago – “Ah, yeah, these legends grow up; given enough time folklore grows up.”

No, the story of Christ being raised from the dead, physically raised from the dead, is very, very early. Walter Cardinal Kasper in Rome, one of the great New Testament theologians of the 20th and 21st Centuries, has argued actually that some of the material in the New Testament goes back to within one year – one year! – of the event. There’s not a lot of time there for folklore to grow up. Those creedal statements are extremely important. They haven’t been noticed very much.

You have to explain the behavior of the early apostles. One of the explanations was they were just frauds; they made up this story. That’s absurd. I mean, brilliant idea – let’s make up a false religion and go out and get ourselves killed. You know? What’s the motivation for this?

You look at the early chapters of Acts. Something transforms the apostles from that Saturday when they’re hiding out in the upper room and Sunday morning. And then when the Savior appears to them, they are transformed, and they go out after that and they’re speaking on the streets of Jerusalem. They’re arrested, they’re beaten, and so on. The people tell them, “Stop doing this. We’ll beat you. We’ll throw you into prison.” Their response is, “You do what you’ve got to do; we’ll do what we’ve got to do.” They have been transformed by this. How do you explain that?

How do you explain that Peter, who grows up in a tiny little town on the shores of the Sea of Galilee, which is by all accounts very orthodox Jewish – we now can sort of demonstrate that Capernaum was, and Bethsaida probably, from archaeological ruins and remains. But Peter ends up in Rome! What in the world is Peter doing in Rome? How many Galilean fishermen ended up in Rome, a place where they couldn’t even speak the language? Peter might have had a little bit of Greek, but they didn’t speak Greek in Rome; they spoke Latin. He was in the largest city of the ancient world, a place totally foreign to him. What took him there? What transformed him and sent the other apostles around the world? Something really, really big happened, and I’m going to argue that the historical case for the resurrection of Jesus – and this is not original with me; I’ll be drawing on people like N.T. Wright and William Lane Craig and people like that – is much stronger than I used to realize that it was.

OK, so again, remember, we’re thinking in Bayesian terms, and … let’s see how much time I have here now. Oh my, it’s getting tight. I’ll go through this very quickly to outline the logic of the last part. I have 51 seconds by my watch.

OK, well, suppose that I’ve gotten you this far. You’ve said, “OK, I’m willing to entertain the possibility that theism is true. There might be a God. This universe may not be the naturalistic, closed system that I thought it was. Maybe even Jesus rose from the dead. I mean, it’s at least a … it’s a possibility to consider.” That’s N.T. Wright’s conclusion, that, as a historian, he says, the only explanation I can come up with to account for the data is that certainly the apostles thought Jesus rose from the dead.[38] They were really convinced of it. And they claimed to have seen him, to have had encounters with him.

Can I get you all the way to Mormon theism? This is where I go with a whole bunch of stuff, but I just want to show you the general outline of the argument. These … I’m going to concentrate on the Book of Mormon here … these are the two possibilities, it seems to me, that Joseph had the plates or he didn’t have plates.

[crickets chirping] There’s my alarm.

OK, Joseph had plates or he didn’t have plates, right? Then there are several possible subsections of these: he knew he had no plates, he thought he had plates, so on and so forth. Basically, he’s a deliberate deceiver or he’s nuts, right? Or he had the plates but he faked them, or something like that. I want to look at those in somewhat detail. I’m not going to do it today, but just kind of outline some of the basic argument there.

So, first, let’s look at the idea that Joseph had no plates. OK, possibility, he knew he had no plates. First is, he’s a cynical fraud. The evidence against that, it seems to me, is overwhelming. If you look at the personal writings of Joseph Smith that have been coming out over the past few years – journal entries and so on, from the very early period – if he’s not sincere, if he’s not a real believer, then I have no capacity to judge human nature. Because even in his journal, his letters to his wife, his letters to his children, it is absolutely clear, he’s a believer. He really believes he’s had these experiences. He really believes that he had the plates and that he had encounters with Moroni and so on. There’s no evidence of cynical fraud and certainly not … you could argue about polygamy; some people bring that up … but I’m talking here about the Book of Mormon, the early years, just not possible to find. You cannot find it, in my view.

So … was he a 19th Century con man? Well, look what he went through – Liberty Jail, really a pleasant experience for him, and that was just a part of it. There was the tarring and feathering and so on, but that time in Liberty Jail he came as near despair – and I think he really did – as a human possibly could, but he didn’t give in because he knew it was true. The Haun’s Mill massacre – can you imagine? If you have any decency in you at all, that people are dying for this vision that you’ve had. Isn’t it time to say, “look, I just made it up”, or at least disappear, go gracefully away? No, he doesn’t. He stays with it, because he believed it. And then, of course, ultimately he goes to his own death, knowing, I think, pretty well that he was going to. It’s a very odd thing for a conscious deceiver to do. But he’s killed for his testimony. Remember, the word martyr in Greek – mártyros – means both “witness” and “martyr” in our modern sense, and he was that.

Also, think of this, many of his visions, here’s one, are shared with other people. So if he’s a conscious fraud he’s also inducing this in other people or he’s got conscious frauds associating with him. And there are lots of them – his mother, his sister, the three witnesses, the eight witnesses, Sidney Rigdon, it just goes on and on and on. He’s found all these people who are willing to collude with him and who never, ever give any sign that they were deliberate frauds or that they believed it was all a fake. That’s just very hard for me to imagine.

Imagine that there were no plates, but he was a pious fraud. This one’s harder to deal with because, you know, he could give all the appearances of sincerity and so on, but there’s no evidence of this either – that he’s doing this and he made up the story and he convinced other people to go along with him in order to convince people to some noble purpose, like “believe in God, even though I’ve made it all up.” Just no evidence for that but, you know, there are plenty of crazy prophets out there.

OK, Joseph had no plates; he thought he had plates. Is he nuts? Well, again, if he’s just subjectively hallucinating, what do you do with the witnesses? Are they all hallucinating in sync with him? They talk in very specific terms about turning over the plates and hefting them, they were about 60 pounds, and this sort of thing. It’s a very specific kind of mass hallucination, which involves the tactile senses and everything else. Very hard for me to imagine that that’s possible.

All right, let’s assume that Joseph had plates. One possibility is he made them. Let’s assume, again, that he was a cynical fraud. Who made them? Joseph? Where’d he get the gold? Do you realize how much gold that would have taken, to produce even gold alloy that weighed 60 pounds? A lot of gold. Some people have suggested – Joseph showed no metallurgical skills – that Oliver Cowdery was the metallurgist who did this – a blacksmith. Look at the picture of Oliver Cowdery. This is an authentic picture of Oliver Cowdery, the massive man who died of tuberculosis just after 50. He was a very small, and not overly healthy, man. He was not Longfellow’s blacksmith with, you know, the sinewy arms and all that sort of thing, nothing like that. There’s no reason to believe that anybody in the early Latter-day Saint community had access to 40 pounds of gold or 20 pounds of gold, whatever it would have taken to have made this alloy. There’s nobody recording smoke belching out of the secret furnace just to the south of Palmyra or anything like that as they’re producing not only the plates, but the Liahona, the Urim and Thummim, a whole array of specialty metal objects, right? These guys are good. They’re really good and nobody knows that they can do it. Nobody sees the wagonloads of gold going into the Smith home. Remember, they’re subsistence farmers. Where’d they get all this stuff from, and where does it go afterwards? Poof, it’s just gone. They could’ve been incredibly wealthy. We’re talking about millions of dollars’ worth of metal here. There’s no sign of it. There’s no sign that Joseph made the plates, OK?

Possibility 2 –he received them from somebody else. Well, you have a lot of problems with the idea he received them from a contemporary. Who was it, and with what motives, and where did they go? What happens to this enormously impressive metallurgical object with lots of gold in it? Again, just not plausible; there’s no historical evidence for anything like this.

So, some people have posited an invisible group. One guy actually told me how they were so good, they vanished. There’s not a trace of them in history. They’re like the Illuminati, right? They’re so good that they just … they don’t show up anywhere. And their motives? I asked him. He said, “unknown.” Well, you know, you can do that sort of thing all day, like the invisible rabbit in Harvey. Only he had more evidence behind him, actually.

So I want to suggest, yes, he did get the plates from somebody else. He received them from a non-contemporary. I have a suggestion. And to me, that argument right there makes logical sense.

Well, I just want to close with this. I’ve gone on way too long. What I want to lay out is a logical case that will lead somebody, I hope, to think, “you know, maybe there’s something to this.” I can’t get them to belief. And I think a belief that was based on a set of arguments like this would not be stable, would not be adequate. But you want to get them to the point, as my father was brought to the point, where eventually he had to find out, Is this true? Does this make any sense? He concluded that it did because of things that came to him. I can’t deliver those things. Those are the personal subjective things. But the Book of Mormon contains that wonderful promise that that kind of assurance can come to you. And if this kind of argumentation can save someone who’s on the way out or help somebody who’s teetering on the brink of the way in, then the argument will have achieved its purpose. But the most important thing, of course, is the witness of the Spirit. I don’t negate that; I don’t deny that or minimize it.

I want to bear you my testimony that the Gospel is true. It does make logical sense. We don’t have to say, “I know it’s irrational but I choose to believe.” It is not an irrational choice. It’s maybe not one that you can prove to the satisfaction of an indifferent public, but it’s not irrational. It’s a rational choice, under conditions of limited and indecisive public evidence. It’s a rational way to go. In the name of Jesus Christ, amen.

Q&A

Question:         With numerous factors of nature that make life possible, there is not one factor to make life impossible. Why do scientists ignore the obvious?

Answer:           Well, you know, obviously there is no factor that has made life impossible or we wouldn’t be here. But yeah, there are people who are very impressed by these cosmic fine-tuning arguments. There are others who say no, no, no, we just happen to live in a universe among a multiverse and the other multiverses presumably are sterile and the laws of nature are different. It’s hard to prove that or disprove it. There are some theoretical reasons to believe it. But it doesn’t strike me as a very persuasive way. And it seems to me if you want to go with Occam’s razor – the principle you invoke the simplest explanation – then maybe God is just as easy as the multiverse in some ways. Don’t multiply entities unnecessarily. Some people say, well, I just can’t believe in God, but I do believe in an infinitude of bubble universes, you know, and so on. But again, I’m not trying to get you to certainty. I’m just trying to get you to the point where you are willing to entertain the possibility.

Question:         Do you discuss consciousness or the mind-body problem – oh, yes – in other words, the question of how dead matter can form the thing called thought?

Answer:           I would argue that we don’t know how dead matter can form the thing called thought. We can produce machines that can imitate thought. We’ll get to be very good at this. But will they be conscious? It’ll be impossible to know. I don’t actually know – Alvin Plantinga has argued this – I don’t actually know that anybody here is conscious. I mean, you might all be automatons. I may be the only conscious person in the world, for all I know. Some of you – many of you, actually – act conscious. But I can’t know it. You might be a really good imitation. You might be a really fine robot.

Question:         So there is a job opening currently at the Maxwell Institute. Have you considered applying for it? [LAUGHTER, APPLAUSE]

Answer:           The thought has crossed my mind. I have this mischievous streak.

Question:         What do you think of intelligent design?

Answer:           I don’t write it off. I think that they raise some good arguments. You know, I’ve seen the arguments that it’s not really science, and maybe that’s not true. That’s not what I want it to be. It does raise some interesting issues, just things that, to me, make you go, wow – you know, that DNA is so complex, that the universe is so complex and so fine-tuned. Do I say this proves there was an intelligent designer and that intelligent designer is God? I don’t think it proves that, but I think it might give rise to a belief that it was so. And I think in a sense, any Latter-day Saint who believes that God had something to do with the creation has to believe in some form of intelligent design. I mean that’s kind of basic to the gospel – that the universe didn’t occur by chance. I’m not a big one on the details of Genesis or anything like that. I don’t argue about, you know, periods of creation, exactly what it means. But I think – I’ve argued when talking about Genesis, and Revelation, too, I’ll say – the importance of these two bookends of the Bible is to show you that God is in charge at the beginning and at the end. You may not get all the details of the end of the world – I’m not so worried about that – but the point is to reassure you as things get really bad, God is still in charge, it’ll turn out okay. At the beginning, analogously, we may not know all the details and Genesis doesn’t actually give you a lot of details about how things come to be, but it does tell you that God is involved with it, and that’s the basic thing you have to know. That, to me, is a kind of basic, rudimentary intelligent design. I’d go that far.

Question:         Are you still working on a TV series about these things – scientific evidence showing design of the Earth, universe, life, etc. I hope so.

Answer:           I hope so too. The trouble is it involves a lot of money and time, and the amount of money it would take is daunting. So if any of you out there haven’t given enough to FairMormon, there’s another cause. [Scott Gordon: We could do a joint project.] Okay, he’s willing to cooperate with me.

Question:         Any thoughts on Randi’s million dollar prize for any supernatural evidence?

Answer:           You know, I haven’t really looked into it very much. I’m leery of anything where an avowed skeptic is judge, jury, and executioner. To me there’s evidence for – I don’t know that I’d call it supernatural; I have a problem with the term – but something, as I say, beyond the closed, naturalistic system, I think the evidence is pretty good for that. I think the very existence of consciousness may be evidence for that. I think the Pam Reynolds case may be evidence for that. But would it pass muster with James Randi? I tend to believe, look, the evidence is never strong enough to force you. It’s strong enough to suggest. It’s strong enough to justify belief. It’s not strong enough to compel belief. And I think that’s deliberate. I think that’s the universe we’re supposed to be in.

Question:         One explanation for Joseph Smith and the Book of Mormon could be satanic-derived supernatural to deceive him and others. This is the only anti-Mormon explanation I’ve heard with any merit. Of course, I believe this is a ridiculous explanation, but you may want to add it onto your list.

Answer:           That is, you know, sort of like the pious fraud thing. It’s a little hard to defend against, because I’m not sure it makes any real predictions that you can falsify, you know, which is essential for a scientific theory and probably a historical one. But everything you can say – “Well, he looks sincere.” “Yeah, he would, wouldn’t he?” “Well, there’s no evidence he’s a fraud.” “Of course there isn’t. There wouldn’t be, would there?” I mean, I don’t know what to do with that, except to say, look at the fruits of it. I mean Mormons are healthy, they’re happy, it’s a good way of life. And if you think Satan is that devious that he would actually construct a happy mode of life for millions of people in order to defraud us and send us to hell, well, okay. If that’s the kind of universe you want to live in, it’s yours.

Notes:

[1] William James, The Principles of Psychology (New York: H. Holt and Company, 1890).

[2] Marvin R. O’Connell, Blaise Pascal: Reasons of the Heart (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1997), 95-97.

[3] Richard Panek, The 4% Universe: Dark Matter, Dark Energy, and the Race to Discover the Rest of Reality (Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2011).

[4] See Alvin Plantinga, Warrant and Proper Function (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993).

[5] Eliza R. Snow, “O My Father,” hymn 292, in Hymns of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1985).

[6] See Jalal al-Din Rumi, “The Lament of the Reed-Flute,” in Tales from the Masnavi, trans. A.J. Arberry, (New York: Routledge, 1993), 21.

[7] See Augustine, The Confessions of St. Augustine, trans. J.G. Pilkington (CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2015), 25.

[8] Albert Einstein, “Physics and Reality,” Journal of the Franklin Institute 221 (1936): 351.

[9] Eugene P. Wigner, “The Unreasonable Effectiveness of Mathematics in the Natural Sciences.” Richard Courant lecture in mathematical sciences delivered at New York University, May 11, 1959, in Communications on Pure and Applied Mathematics 13 (1960): 1–14.

[10] Brandon Carter, “Large Number Coincidences and the Anthropic Principle in Cosmology,” in Confrontation of Cosmological Theories with Observational Data (I.A.U. Symposium 63) ed. M. Longair (Dordrecht: Reidel, 1974), 291–298.

[11] Alister E. McGrath, A Fine-Tuned Universe: The Quest for God in Science and Theology (The 2009 Gifford Lectures) (Louisville, Kentucky: Westminster John Knox Press, 2009), xii note 14.

[12] Martin Rees, Just Six Numbers: The Deep Forces That Shape the Universe (New York: Basic Books, 2000), 2.

[13] Rees, Just Six Numbers, 2; compare Rees, Just Six Numbers, 33-35.

[14] Rees, Just Six Numbers, 52-56.

[15] Rees, Just Six Numbers, 2; compare Rees, Just Six Numbers, 52-56.

[16] Rees, Just Six Numbers, 2.

[17] Rees, Just Six Numbers, 2; compare C.B. Collins and Stephen Hawking, “Why is the Universe Isotropic?” Astrophysical Journal 180 (1973): 317-334.

[18] Rees, Just Six Numbers, 88.

[19] Rees, Just Six Numbers, 88.

[20] Rees, Just Six Numbers, 3; compare Rees, Just Six Numbers, 111.

[21] Rees, Just Six Numbers, 3.

[22] Rees, Just Six Numbers, 3.

[23] Rees, Just Six Numbers, 56; compare Rees, Just Six Numbers, 128-29.

[24] Rees, Just Six Numbers, 3.

[25] Rees, Just Six Numbers, 4.

[26] Stephen Hawking and Roger Penrose, The Nature of Space and Time (Princeton: Princeton University Press: 1996), 89-90.

[27] Stephen Hawking, A Brief History of Time: From the Big Bang to Black Holes (New York: Bantam Books, 1988), 125.

[28] Roger Penrose, The Emperor’s New Mind: Concerning Computers, Minds, and The Laws of Physics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), 344 (emphasis in original).

[29] Roger Penrose, “Time-Asymmetry and Quantum Gravity,” in Quantum Gravity 2: A Second Oxford Symposium, eds. C.J. Isham, R. Penrose, and D.W. Sciama (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981), 249.

[30] Robin Collins, “The Teleological Argument: Fine-Tuning,” in Blackwell Companion to Natural Theology, eds. William Lane Craig and J.P. Moreland (Malden, Mass.: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009), 214.

[31] Hugh Ross, “Big Bang Model Refined by Fire,” in Mere Creation: Science, Faith & Intelligent Design, ed. William A. Dembski (Downers Grove, Ill.: InterVarsity Press, 1998), 373.

[32] Hugh Ross, The Creator and the Cosmos: How the Greatest Scientific Discoveries of the Century Reveal God (Colorado Springs: NavPress Publishing Group, 1993), 109.

[33] Steven Weinberg, A Designer Universe?, The New York Review of Books (Oct. 21, 1999), available at http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/1999/oct/21/a-designer-universe/.

[34] Robin Collins, “The Teleological Argument,” in The Routledge Companion to Philosophy of Religion, eds. Chad Meister and Paul Copan (New York: Routledge, 2007), 352.

[35] Robin Collins, “The Evidence of Physics: The Cosmos on a Razor’s Edge, An Interview with Robin Collins,” in Lee Strobel, The Case for a Creator: A Journalist Investigates Scientific Evidence That Points Toward God (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Zondervan, 2004), 134.

[36] Stephen M. Barr, Modern Physics and Ancient Faith (Notre Dame, Ind.: Univ. of Notre Dame Press, 2003), 130.

[37] Fred Hoyle, “The Universe: Past and Present Reflections,” in Annual Review of Astronomy and Astrophysics 20 (1982): 16.

[38] See N. T. Wright, “The New, Unimproved Jesus,” Christianity Today, September 13, 1993, 26.

Some Reflections On That Letter To a CES Director

 

[Editor’s note: This transcript has been lightly edited for clarity.]

Daniel C. Peterson
August 8, 2014

Some of you don’t know what the “Letter to a CES Director” is. It’s a letter that’s been circulating online for about a year now…a year and a half, I think, as far as I know, that has gotten quite a bit of circulation. It’s a kind of compendium of standard critical arguments against the truth claims of the Church. It’s entitled “Letter to a CES Director: Why I Lost My Testimony,” and it was written, as the story goes, by request of a CES director who wanted to know why this young man had decided to leave the Church. He wrote the letter. The CES director said he would get back to him with answers, but he did not, according to the story. Now the thing is about 90 pages long, and it’s just a rata-tat-tat list of objections. I can understand why a normal person confronted by that would say, “Well, you know, I’ve got a life. Its 90 pages of quick and dirty objections would take 500 pages to respond to, and probably wouldn’t do much good, so, never mind.”

I have to say, some people have said and speculated online that I’m addressing this topic out of my deep concern and paranoia. Well, I am sort of concerned about the letter in the sense that it’s had some impact, but actually it was not my idea to address it. Someone said, “You know, maybe you should address that. Maybe that would be a good topic.” I said, “‘Yes, OK. I’ll think about that,’ and the next thing I knew, PR was going out saying that’s what I was addressing. So, I will do it. Why not? I was asked to do it and I have to say, my reaction to reading the thing, which I put off reading for a long time, was sadness and frustration. I found it very painful to go through the 90 pages. It is wearisome reading and, at point after point, multiple times per page, I was exasperated. My impression is that the author is someone who had leanings in more of what you might call a fundamentalist direction than my own, but he was blindsided by things that he was learning about history and historical difficulties that he had not encountered before. He lost his trust and felt betrayed, and so he’s in a position now, where anybody speaking on behalf of the Church is probably lying. So, what I say today will not be of much value or interest except to make him mad.

But, I’m not really addressing him. I’m addressing people who might run into these things and are still puzzled by the charges that he makes. As I say, it’s a kind of compendium, not original at all…not really pretending to originality. It’s a compendium of charges and accusations. My impression—I will give you the bottom line–is that the author spent too little time and effort looking at these questions, that he “jumped ship” too soon, that there are answers, at least adequate, and in some cases really much more than adequate to just about every issue raised.

But I think of a case of my own youth in California. Some of you may remember a fairly obscure case that made it to the L.A. Times (as almost any anti-Mormon thing does), where three handwriting analysts had decided they had found…well, two of them had found, the writing of Solomon Spalding in the original manuscript of the Book of Mormon. It was an unidentified scribe. There was a family in my stake that left the Church that week over that issue. Now the whole thing blew up within a week. The handwriting analysts who had made the claim: one of them never really endorsed it, one of them went silent, and the third one absolutely said it was just not true. So, it didn’t make much of a splash really, but it was enough for this one family. They jumped ship too soon. It almost seemed as if they were poised at the door, waiting for a reason to leave. I didn’t know them that well. I don’t know what the story was, but let me read to you something that Jeff Lindsay had to say, sort of about this kind of thing, this motif of the letter. This is not the first one I’ve seen, and, it probably won’t be the last, where you get a whole “shotgun blast” of objections.

One of the challenges, Jeff Lindsay writes, in defending one’s faith, is coping with the critics who use the “big list” technique in their attack. 1 This involves throwing out numerous arguments to create the impression of an overwhelming barrage that decimates the faith in question. The “big list” is loaded with barbed questions that weren’t written in search of a real answer. If there is a good defense to the arguments raised at first…never mind, there are many more to be launched in different directions. As with many topics in fields like history, science and religion, the issues raised in “big list” attacks are often complex and may require exploring abundant details to answer questions properly.

Even for those who are prepared to answer questions on a wide variety of topics, the time it takes to lay a foundation to properly answer a question can be taken by the instantly impatient critics as an admission of weakness and confirmation that they are right, and then the time to move on to the next attack, and the next. If reasonable answers are promptly provided to some attacks, or if the alleged weakness on further examination actually proves to be evidence in favor of the faithful position, the response can be ignored as new attacks from the “big list” are hurled out.

Lindsay cites a well-known science blogger by the name of P.Z. Meyers, who is himself not religious at all. He is an aggressive atheist, but he makes a good point. Meyers says:

There is a common tactic used by creationists, and I’ve encountered it over and over again. It’s a form of the “Gish Gallop.” It’s named after Duane Gish, who’s a famous Creationist Fundamentalist Protestant. Present the wicked evolutionist with a long list of assertions, questions and non-sequiturs, and if they answer with, “I don’t know” to any of them, declare victory. It’s easy: We say, “I don’t know” a lot.

Jack Chick’s “Big Daddy” tract is a version of the Creationist list and contains a fair amount of fantasy as well. You know what they believe will happen: They’ll ask that one question that the scientists can’t answer, and then they’ll have an epiphany, a revelation, and realize that all of their science is a lie, at which time they’ll resign from their university position and join a good, Bible-believing church.

It happens to me all the time too. At one talk I gave, there was a woman at the door who had printed a five-page, single spaced list of questions, and she was telling everyone going in to ask me to answer them. I invited her to come in and listen to the talk and ask them herself, and she ran away. I’ve had a Canadian Creationist do the same thing, and then I talked to him for several hours in the hallway after the talk. He seemed stunned and angry that I actually had answers for most of his questions. I’ve been confronted by people with questions, more like ignorant assertions, about biology, who, once I answered them and revealed that I am a biologist, switched to asking me about geology and the “Big Bang” to get me into a corner where I would have to say, “I don’t know.”2

The approach, Jeff Lindsay says, is painfully familiar to him, and I have to say it’s painfully familiar to me too.

There have been some excellent responses. One of these is the FairMormon site, on the FairMormon wiki, and I have to say, I am tremendously impressed with the amount of work that the wiki has done (Roger Nicholson and Greg Smith, in particular) in developing answers and in making it accessible and in organizing answers to this and other objections. It’s a tremendous thing.

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FairMormon does incredible work on a shoestring budget. I mean, it’s astonishing, and with relatively little more (I’ll put in that plug, even though we have reached the fundraising goal for today), with just a little bit more, FairMormon could do much, much more, because it’s a very lean and efficient operation.

Kevin Christensen wrote a piece for Volume 10 of Interpreter (another organization that could use donations) entitled “Eye of the Beholder, Law of the Harvest”, which is an analysis of Jeff Lindsay’s approach and the author of the CES Letter’s approach, and explains how they arrive at so different conclusions to looking at the same data. I’ll mention other places for useful responses in a few minutes. 3

I’m going to go through a few of the issues. The thing is 90 pages long, and I’ve only got a few minutes. In fact, I have very few minutes. I’m going to try to get you out of here close to on time, but I don’t know if I can do it, to be honest.

DNA and the Book of Mormon

DNA and the Book of Mormon is one issue that he addresses. He says this,

[Letter to a CES Director] “DNA Analysis has concluded that native American Indians do not originate from the Middle East, or from Israelites, but rather from Asia.”

Now that is a grotesque oversimplification. He simply doesn’t know the state of the question. It is true that DNA evidence indicates that the American Indians overwhelmingly have some sort of Northeastern Asian background, but that does not rule out the presence of a small group. We’re talking a tiny group from the Middle East, 2600 years ago.

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This is another statement he makes:

[Letter to a CES Director] “Why did the Church change the following section of the introduction page of the 2006 edition of the Book of Mormon shortly after the DNA results were released?” Quote: “The Lamanites were the principal ancestors of the American Indians” is changed to, “The Lamanites, and they are among the ancestors of the American Indians.”

Well, the implication is “because the DNA evidence undercut the Church’s position.” That’s not true. I happen to know the backstory, which has never been published. The backstory is, there were people who objected to that heading when it was done in the late 1970s/early 1980s. They were overruled by someone who was in a position of authority. But, they said the Book of Mormon never actually makes that claim. Don’t make the Book of Mormon claim things it doesn’t actually claim. We set ourselves up sometimes for problems when we claim things for the book, but that the book, when carefully read, does not claim for itself.

Now, I’m going to use this as a symbol for the kind of work that’s being done right now, and has been done over the past few decades, on Book of Mormon archaeology. This is John Sorenson’s book, Mormon’s Codex. I’m not saying that it’s the “be all” and “end all,” but it kind of represents the effort that professionally-trained Mesoamericanists have made recently.

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Book of Mormon anachronisms

The second issue that he raises is the issue of anachronisms He says,

[Letter to a CES Director] “Horses, cattle, oxen, sheep, swine, goats, elephants, wheels, chariots, wheat, silk, steel, and iron did not exist in pre-Columbian America during Book of Mormon times.”

Again, this is an oversimplification. There’s been a lot written on these sorts of topics, and many of them by John Sorenson (one of the reasons I chose this image) [refers to Power Point slide]. But the author of the letter seems unaware of those things. He doesn’t engage them in any event. I can imagine somebody saying, “The evidence doesn’t persuade me,” but what bothers me is to suggest there is no evidence, there are no counterarguments; that bothers me, and that doesn’t, to me, show a serious engagement with the data.

Book of Mormon archaeology

The third item is archaeology:

[Letter to a CES Director] “There is absolutely no archaeological evidence to directly support the Book of Mormon or the Nephites/Lamanites who numbered in the millions.”

Note that word “directly.” Archaeology very often doesn’t “directly” support claims. You often have to draw inferences from the data. You know, the rocks in the foundations of buildings don’t speak for themselves usually, and there are relatively few inscriptions. I mean, even Jerusalem itself, we’ve known from tradition where it was located, but it was only relatively recently that an inscription was found actually identifying that city as Jerusalem. So, there are limits to archaeology. But again I mention John Sorenson, the writing of John Clark, Brant Gardner, Mark Wright. If the author of the letter has dealt with them there’s no sign of it. I don’t see any evidence that he’s engaged them.

He says this:

[Letter to a CES Director] “This is one of the reasons why unofficial apologists* are coming up with the Limited Geography Model. It happened in Central or South America, and that the real hill Cumorah is not in Palmyra, New York, but is elsewhere and possibly somewhere down there instead.”

* (That’s people like the old FARMS or FAIR now)

This is simply not true. The Limited Geography Model has been created because the Book of Mormon demands it. You can put together all the travel distances and travel times in the Book of Mormon and it’s very clear that they’re not going very far in any direction. We’re not talking about Patagonia to the Aleutian Islands. It’s simply not possible. And so, the text forces this. This sort of thing has been in the works for a long time, before there was any talk about DNA, before the discovery of the DNA double-helix model. DNA was not an issue when this was being created. This is not controversial. It can easily be shown that the limited Mesoamerican model has been in the works for decades. It just wasn’t published until the 1980s, but it existed and was distributed in a kind of underground form for a long time before it was actually published.

Another claim:

[Letter to a CES Director] “Latter-day Saint Thomas Stuart Ferguson was BYU’s archaeology division (New World Archaeological Funding) founder. NWAF was financed by the Church. NWAF and Ferguson were tasked by BYU and the Church in the 1950’s and 1960’s to find archaeological evidence to support the Book of Mormon.”

And the idea is, well, Ferguson failed and Ferguson lost his testimony, and this should discredit the Book of Mormon in the minds of alert, sentient Latter-day Saints. But that statement is wrong on multiple levels. Thomas Stuart Ferguson, for whatever virtues he had, was a lawyer and an amateur hobbyist. He was not the head of the archaeology program at BYU. And the NWAF (I’ve actually written an article on this),4 based on interviews with the founders and with early leaders, and so on, and it’s been published. I mean, there’s no excuse for this. NWAF had non-Mormons on its board. It was mostly non-Mormons. It was specifically forbidden to seek to do explicit Book of Mormon research. It was tasked with working in an area where Latter-day Saints expected it would find evidence, but it was not its task to do that. This is just completely wrong, and Ferguson’s apostasy, whatever it was, his family disputes it. I don’t know exactly what the truth of his mindset was at the end of his life. It may be sad, but it has no significance. And, at the same time, M. Wells Jakeman was an archaeologist, the first trained archaeologist, as far as I know, in the Church, who specialized in Mesoamerican studies. Why doesn’t anybody write about his biography? He was fascinated…believed to his dying day that the Book of Mormon fit into Mesoamerica brilliantly well.

Moving on. Here’s a picture of Wadi Sayq, an area in Arabia that I’m very fond of.

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One of the things I notice is that he never deals with positive evidence. It’s always criticisms. Wadi Sayq is one of my favorite evidences for the Book of Mormon. This is the place that a lot of us think was the land Bountiful, the Old World Bountiful, in the Book of Mormon. It’s an unexpected place. You don’t expect to see a place like that in Arabia. Arabia’s a land of sand dunes. You’ve seen “Lawrence of Arabia”; you know what it looks like. And those are the pretty parts. But this is an actual area on coast of the Indian Ocean, the Arabian Sea, really, and it exists in exactly the right spot. And we can show that the land of Nahom, or the area of Nahom, from which you have to travel due east, we can show that that name was there at exactly the time of Lehi. It’s a complex of finds. These things fit together. They’re really wonderfully strong things. No mention of them. Simply ignored. They just don’t exist.

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Does that look like what you picture as Arabia? It looks like Hawaii. But that is Wadi Sayq.

Book of Mormon geography

Alright, as soon as I saw this, I recognized it. It’s a map from a book done several years ago by Vernal Holley.

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This is his fourth objection: Book of Mormon Geography, and he uses Vernal Holley, who relied on the Solomon Spalding theory of the Book of Mormon, which has been exploded, detonated so many times that it’s exasperating to see it keep coming back. I’ve mentioned, I think, here before that Bill Hamblin and I have wanted to do a film that we call tentatively, “Bill and Dan’s Excellent Adventure in Anti-Mormon Zombie Hell.” The idea is that these just keep coming back. I mean, you shoot them between the eyes and they don’t stop because there’s no brain in there, right? And, to see the Spalding manuscript theory just keep coming and coming, but the methodological problems with Vernal Holley’s maps are multitudinous and we published an article in the old FARMS Review clear back at the very beginning in 1989 showing some of those problems. For one thing, he goes to a map of the northeastern United States. He goes through all the toponyms, the place names there, and then he tries to find things in the Book of Mormon that are vaguely familiar. They sound sort of the same, but some of them are really a stretch. Jacobsburg, well that’s Book of Mormon Jacobugath. Antioch, that’s Anti-Anti. My favorite, Sherebrook, which becomes the Book of Mormon Shurr. Well, they’re not very good parallels, but, the other thing is, they’re in the wrong places. The Book of Mormon says where they are. They’re not in the same relationships on the map. It’s just…you know, if you take a long enough list of place names, you’ll find parallels, especially if you’re “loosy-goosy” about it. You’ll find parallels with just about anything. This is easily done. I could show you words that definitely come from Arabic that occur in English, that have no relationship. They’re vaguely similar. They’re totally different definitions. If you have no standards for what counts as evidence, anything could count as evidence. Well, anyway, I don’t want to go on at length about that. There’s an excellent FairMormon response, a summation response, to Vernal Holley’s maps. Again, no notice of it.

View of the Hebrews as a source for the Book of Mormon

Item number five. He refers to View of the Hebrews. Ethan Smith’s, View of the Hebrews, which some critics see as a source for the Book of Mormon. We were so terrified of the View of the Hebrews at BYU that BYU actually published View of the Hebrews so people could see it. I mean, it’s just not similar at all. But there’s no engagement with that, no engagement with Larry Morris’s superb year 2000 BYU Studies article on “Oliver Cowdery’s Vermont Years and the Origins of Mormonism”, which shows that the link that people posit between Ethan Smith and Oliver Cowdery almost certainly didn’t exist.

The Late War as a source for the Book of Mormon

He then gets into, in item number six, The Late War, which has already been here. It’s a retelling of the War of 1812 in biblical style. No mention of Ben McGuire’s article in Interpreter Volume 7 from last year. Even in his revised version of the letter, I don’t think that there’s one – I may have missed it. I have to admit I had a hard time concentrating on the letter, but I didn’t see one. And now he’s going to have to deal with the presentation yesterday by Matt Roper and Paul Fields. There are just all sorts of problems.

Accuracy of Church art

Let’s go on a little bit further. Here’s an illustration: A traditional view of Joseph Smith translating the Book of Mormon.

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Now, there are several things wrong with it, and he points to this sort of thing and says this is Church deception. Joseph didn’t have the plates with him quite often, and here he is, following along with the text on the plates. Well, you know that’s not true, because the witnesses didn’t see the plates all the time, right? This can’t possibly be true. When the witnesses saw the plates it was a big deal for them, because Joseph wasn’t just sitting there translating with the plates in front of him all the time while people wandered around and so on. But he says, “Look, the Church is being deceptive”, because it doesn’t show Joseph with his face in the hat using the seer stones. Well, my response to this partly would be, “What in the world are you thinking of? Trying to derive doctrine from illustrations? Or expecting that illustrations are going to give you the accurate picture?”

Here’s another one: there Joseph has the curtain between him and the scribe. That’s also wrong. I’ll come back to that.

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This one is equally wrong. It’s not a sign of evil or deliberate conspiratorial intent. It’s just an indication that the illustrators often just don’t get it right.

And I’ll give you some other illustrations of that sort of thing. Look at this famous picture.

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All right? Now that’s Samuel the Lamanite on a Nephite wall. Are any walls like that described in the Book of Mormon? No. You have these simple things, and they’re considered quite a technical innovation at the time of Moroni, where he digs a trench, piles the mud up, puts a palisade of logs along the top. That’s it. They’re pretty low tech. There’s nothing like this. This is Cuzco or something. But this is hundreds of years after the Book of Mormon and probably nowhere near the Book of Mormon area, and some of you may have heard me say it before, after Samuel jumps off this Nephite wall you never hear about him again. The obvious reason is…he’s dead. He couldn’t survive that jump. But again, do you draw your understanding of the Book of Mormon from that image? Or, do you draw it from what the book actually says?

Now, artists typically don’t get things right, or quite often don’t get things right. I’ll tell you a quick story about this one. I hesitate to go on too long because I don’t have much time. This is a very famous illustration of the eight witnesses.

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I had a discussion online, years ago, with an ex-Mormon critic. Some of you know the name, Brent Metcalfe. And we were arguing back and forth about the existence of the plates. And he said that all of the experiences of the witnesses were visionary. They just imagined things. They were hallucinating. And I said…but the Eight Witnesses were really, really…it’s a matter of fact sort of experience: they go out in a clearing in the woods. There are the plates on a tree stump, they heft them and all this sort of thing, and he said, “There was no tree stump.” And we went back and forth and back and forth about this stupid tree stump. And I finally said, “Look, OK. I will grant you no tree stump if you will grant me the plates…because I don’t care about the tree stump.” But in the meantime, I wrote a letter to my friend Richard Anderson, whose name will come up again in a minute, if I have a minute, who I think is one of the great historians in the Church, and he’s the great authority on the witnesses. And I said, “Richard, help me. I cannot find a source indicating there’s a tree stump.” And he said, “Oh yeah, definitely there is, there is. I’ll get it back to you.” A few days later he calls and he says, “You know, I can’t find any mention of a tree stump.” And we finally both decided it was that stupid picture that gave us the idea. There’s actually no account that mentioned a tree stump. So, pictures can form your image, but you have to be careful you’re always controlling those images by looking at the actual data.

OK, now it’s not just the Mormons who do this sort of thing. Have any of you read, “Out of the Silent Planet” by C.S. Lewis? C.S. Lewis is a passion of mine. This is a great novel, first of the so-called Perelandra trilogy.

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Now, if you’ve read the story, you know that image on the cover, that’s the first cover of the novel when I bought it, that cover bears almost no relationship to the actual story. There’s nobody in a space suit in that. This looks like the surface of the moon or something. The story describes Mars, which is where it takes place, Malacandra, it’s called, in the novel, describing it very, very differently from that. So, this illustrator, I assume, hadn’t even read the book.

But here’s another one. This is The Flight of the Holy Family into Egypt.

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Now if you look at these pictures, and there are lots of them, it was a favorite topic for artists in a certain period. It’s amazing how they think Egypt looked or the route, say, between Bethlehem and Egypt. It is like going through Flanders. In some it’s like you have to cross the Swiss Alps. I guarantee you, the Sinai looks nothing like this. Anyway, they’re often dressed like Turks with turbans. Those things [are] just totally inaccurate, totally inaccurate.

Frankly, for that matter, some of you remember Ben Hur. Ben Hur is arrested in Jerusalem and he has to go to the galleys, right? Do you remember the scene? It’s a wonderful scene, very moving, where he’s going along…he’s dying of thirst, crossing sand dunes and so on, and he encounters the Savior, and the Savior gives him water to drink. My question, though, is, “If he’s been arrested in Jerusalem and he’s going to the sea, which is the Mediterranean, is he going via the Gobi Desert or something?” I mean, that’s actually one of the most fertile areas of Israel. You’re going along the plains of Sharon. It’s agricultural land, and it’s not very far. You wouldn’t die of thirst even if you walked that hardly without a drink at all. So people always assume…they set up these images of what the place looks like, but they’re wrong.

Translation of the Book of Mormon

OK, now this is not The Flight of the Holy Family into Egypt. This is Royal Skousen, and I want to say something about some things that I derive from Professor Skousen’s wonderful work on the textual history of the Book of Mormon, which are relevant to the question of Book of Mormon translation.

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I’m going to read a little bit here. Professor Royal Skousen of Brigham Young University, an internationally respected linguistic theorist, has devoted more than a quarter of a century to intensive study of the text of the Book of Mormon, and most especially to the original and printer’s manuscripts of the book. His work has appeared in large, handsomely produced volumes published by BYU’s Maxwell Institute for Religious Scholarship, Yale University Press, and now, to our delight and honor, the Interpreter Foundation. It’s Professor Skousen’s strongly considered opinion that the manuscript evidence supports the traditional account of the origin of the Book of Mormon, and that it does not support the notion that Joseph Smith composed the text himself, or took it from any other existing manuscript. Yet all the witnesses thought that Joseph Smith somehow saw words, and read them off to his scribes. Taken together, these two facts are highly significant.

Now I want to briefly examine some of the relevant data. First of all, the evidence strongly supports the traditional account in saying that the original manuscript was orally dictated. The kinds of errors that occur in the manuscript are clearly those that occur from a scribe mishearing, rather than from visually misreading, while copying from another manuscript. The printer’s manuscript, by contrast, shows precisely the types of anomalies that one would expect from a copyist’s errors. Skousen’s meticulous analysis even suggests that Joseph was working with up to about 30 words at a time. It’s apparent, too, that Joseph could see the spelling of names on whatever it was that he was reading from. When the scribe had written the text, he or she would evidently read it back to Joseph for correction. So, the Prophet seemingly had something with him from which he was dictating, and against which he could check what his scribes had written. But what was it? The witnesses are unanimous that he didn’t have any books, manuscripts or papers with him during the translation process, a process that involved lengthy periods of dictation. For example, in an interview with her son, Joseph Smith III, not long before she died, Emma Smith insisted that Joseph had no text with him during the time of translation.

Question: Had he not a book or manuscript from which he read or dictated to you?

Answer: He had neither manuscript nor book to read from.

Question: Could he not have had, and you not know it?

Answer: If he had had anything of the kind, he could not have concealed it from me.

“In writing for your father,” she told her son, “I frequently wrote day after day often sitting at the table close by him, he sitting with his face buried in his hat with the stone in it dictating hour after hour with nothing between us.” Note: Nothing between us, no curtain. “The plates often lay on the table without any attempt at concealment, wrapped in a small linen tablecloth which I had given to him to fold them in. I once felt of the plates as they lay thus on the table, tracing their outline and shape. They seemed to be pliable like thick paper, and would rustle with a metallic sound when edges were moved by the thumb, as one does sometimes thumb the edges of a book.”

Now, Emma Smith could speak authoritatively regarding the period during which she herself served as scribe, but what about the much longer period when it was Oliver Cowdery who was taking the dictation? In fact, Emma could speak from personal experience with respect to that time as well. While they were in Harmony, Pennsylvania, where most of the Book of Mormon text was committed to writing, Emma says that Joseph and Oliver were not far away from her.

“Question: Where did father and Oliver Cowdery write?”

“Answer: Oliver Cowdery and your father wrote in the room where I was at work.”

Not long after speaking with her, Joseph III wrote a letter in which he summarized some of her responses to his questions. “She wrote for Joseph Smith during the work of translation, as did also Reuben Hale, her brother, and O. Cowdery, that the larger part of this labor was done in her presence and where she could see and know what was being done, that during no part of it did Joseph Smith have any manuscript or book of any kind from which to dictate, except the metallic plates, which she knew he had. Nor, incidentally, did Emma believe that Joseph Smith was capable of inventing the Book of Mormon and dictating it off the top of his head. Joseph Smith,” she said, “could neither write nor dictate a coherent and well-worded letter,” her son’s note reported as telling him, “let alone dictating a book like the Book of Mormon.”

A correspondent from the Chicago Times interviewed David Whitmer on the 14th of October 1881, and got essentially the same account. “Mister Whitmer emphatically asserts, as did Harris and Cowdery, that while Smith was dictating the translation, he had no manuscript notes, or other means of knowledge, save the seer stone and the characters as shown on the plates, he being present and cognizant how it was done.” Similarly, the Saint Louis Republican, based upon an interview in mid-July of 1884, reported that “Father Whitmer, who was present very frequently during the writing of the manuscript of the Book of Mormon, affirms that Joseph Smith had no book or manuscript before him from which he could have read, as asserted by some that he did; he, Whitmer, having every opportunity to know whether Smith had Solomon Spalding’s or any other person’s romance to read from.”

David Whitmer repeatedly insisted that the translation process occurred in full view of Joseph Smith’s family and associates. It would appear, in fact, that the common image of a curtain hanging between the Prophet and his scribes, sometimes seen in illustrations as we saw here, of the story of the Book of Mormon, was not the usual modus operandi. There was indeed a curtain, at least in the latter stages of translation process, however that curtain was suspended not between the translator and his scribe, but near the front door of the Peter Whitmer home in order to prevent idle passers-by and gawkers from interfering with the work. In order to give privacy to the proceeding, a blanket…Well, I don’t think I need to quote this, it makes the point.

On another occasion Whitmer recalled, “I often sat by and heard them translate and write for hours together. Joseph never had a curtain drawn between him and his scribe while he was translating. He would place the director in his hat and then place his face in his hat so as to exclude the light, and then read the words as they appeared before him.”

And there’s more evidence that Joseph was not simply reading from a manuscript. Here’s a quotation from David Whitmer again.

“He could not translate unless he was humble and possessed the right feelings towards everyone. To illustrate, so you can see, one morning when he was getting ready to continue the translation, something went wrong about the house and he was put out about it, something that Emma, his wife, had done. Oliver and I went upstairs, and Joseph came up soon after to continue the translation, but he couldn’t do anything. He could not translate a single syllable. He went downstairs out into the orchard and made supplication to the Lord…”

Something he liked to do. He liked to pray in groves of trees. He does it again here. It’s a characteristic.

“…He made some supplication, was gone about an hour, came back to the house, asked Emma’s forgiveness and then came upstairs where we were and the translation went on all right. He could do nothing save he was humble and faithful.” 5

And there are other accounts where Whitmer tells the same story to newspapers. It would seem from this anecdote that Joseph needed to be in some way spiritually or emotionally ready for the translation process to proceed, something that would be wholly unnecessary if he had simply been reading from a prepared manuscript. As David Whitmer explained, Joseph occasionally “found he was spiritually blind and then could not translate. He told us that his mind dwelt too much on earthly things, and various causes could make him incapable of proceeding.” Now at this point a skeptic might, of course, suggest, that emotional distractions interfered with Joseph Smith’s ability to remember a text he had memorized right the night before for dictation to his naive secretaries, or that personal upheavals hindered his improvising of an original text for them to write down as it occurred to him. But such potential counter-explanations run into their own serious difficulties. I just want to ask, do you even think it’s remotely possible? I don’t. To imagine Joseph Smith, or anyone else, memorizing or composing nearly 5000 words daily, day after day, week after week, in the production of a lengthy and complex book. That’s a question you can ponder for yourselves. I’ll simply say that, as someone who writes a lot, and rapidly, and has kept a daily record of how many words I produce each day for many of the past 15 years, I’ve never come close to maintaining a pace like this, even on a computer. I just find it impossible to imagine.

Now, there’s another story. I think I’ll skip it in order to save some time. Well, you know the story about Martin Harris substituting a rock for the seer stone, and Joseph comes in and tries to use it and can’t. He says, “Martin, everything is as dark as Egypt.” I’ve often wondered having lived in Egypt, where it is blazing sun all the time, what on earth does that mean? But, anyway, I guess this is the general point, the point being here that if he just memorized it he wouldn’t have even noticed what was wrong with this rock.

I don’t know how the rock worked, but it’s clear from a careful analysis of the manuscript that Joseph did not know in advance what the text was going to say. He hadn’t memorized it. He was not making it up because he didn’t know what was going to be there. Chapter breaks and book divisions apparently surprised him. He would see some indications, evidently, of a break in the text. In each case he would tell his scribe to write “chapter.” The numbers were then added later. For instance, at what we now recognize as the end of First Nephi the original manuscript first indicates merely that a new chapter is about to begin. In the original chapter divisions that upcoming text was marked as “Chapter 8” (Roman numerals). When Joseph and Oliver subsequently discovered that they were instead at the opening of a wholly distinct book, Second Nephi, the chapter heading was crossed out, and a more appropriate heading was inserted. This is quite instructive. It indicates that Joseph could only see the end of a section, but did not know whether the next section would be another portion of the same book, or rather the commencement of an entirely new book altogether.

There were other things that, again, I’m going to summarize because I’m short on time. There are other things that caught him by surprise. He couldn’t pronounce the names in some cases. He would have to spell them out. Or there are times when he asked a question, like, “Emma, did Jerusalem have a wall around it?” He’s surprised. And she says, “Well, yes, I think it did,” and he says, “Oh, good. I thought maybe that I was being deceived.” Because the cities he knew, Palmyra, didn’t have walls around them, certainly not like Arnold Frieburg’s.

Here’s the bottom line: thus we see that Joseph Smith appears to have been reading from something external to himself, but that he had no book, or manuscript or paper with him. It seems to have been a text that was new and strange to him and one that required a certain emotional and mental focus before it could be read. It also seems to have required the exclusion of circumambient light so he could see it more clearly because he was doing this multiple hours a day like looking at a computer screen. Your eyes begin to give out, especially if there’s a glare behind the computer. People typically don’t put a computer up against a plate glass window where the sun is shining, right, because you want to see it more clearly. He had to be in mental or emotional focus to be able to work on it and so on. All this is entirely consistent with Joseph’s claim that he was deriving the text by revelation by the power of God through an interpreting device, but does this seem reconcilable with the idea that he smuggled in the Spalding manuscript or something like that?

The First Vision

Here’s another issue: The First Vision.

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All sorts of criticism in the Letter to a CES Director about the First Vision accounts, but there’s no serious engagement with people who have responded to the issues. No serious engagement with Jack Welch’s work on the topic, or the earlier work of Milt Backman, Richard Lloyd Anderson or Richard Bushman, for example. No sign of it.

Book of Abraham Facsimile 1

Here’s one I want to spend a little more time on. There’s Book of Abraham Facsimile 1.

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This is the ninth objection that I’ve chosen to look at.

[Letter to a CES Director] “Of all of the issues, the Book of Abraham is the issue that has both fascinated and disturbed me the most. It is the issue that I’ve spent the most time researching, because it offers real insight into Joseph’s modus operandi, as well as Joseph’s claim of being a translator. It is the smoking gun that has completely obliterated my testimony of Joseph Smith and his claims.”

Now I wrote an article years ago. I can’t claim it was original. I did it as kind of a collective statement on behalf of people that were associated with me at what became the Maxwell Institute/FARMS called News from Antiquity. It published in January 1994 in the Ensign, where I laid out kind of a consensus view of things about the ancient world that the Book of Abraham gets right. There’s no notice of that. It’s not only authorial pride; I’m just irritated that the issue is not addressed. But, he goes on to say things like this: “The Book of Abraham teaches a Newtonian view of the universe. Its Newtonian astronomy concepts, mechanics, and models of the universe have been discredited by 20th century Einsteinian physics.” Now, that irritated me too because John Gee, and Bill Hamblin, and I wrote a piece a number of years ago published in a volume by the Maxwell Institute in which we argued that the Book of Abraham makes sense not as Newtonian physics, but as a geocentric model of the cosmos. It is, in our view anyway, not Newtonian physics. But that article, even if you think it’s wrong, is not even noticed. It’s just this naive idea that it’s representing the kind of physics that Joseph Smith would have known in the 19th century and therefore it discredits Joseph. But the Book of Abraham actually works really well as a kind of primitive geocentric astronomy, the kind that you might have understood in Egypt, the kind that would have been comprehensible to Abraham at that period. It has the earmarks of antiquity on it, to me.

The letter goes on to say this, speaking of Joseph Smith:

[Letter to a CES Director] “He names gods that are not part of the Egyptian belief system, of any known mythology or belief system.” “Joseph Smith got everything wrong about the papyri, the facsimiles, the names, the gods….it’s gibberish.”

Now, the Book of Abraham is anything but gibberish. I mean, just try reading it. It’s not gibberish. It’s a very impressive little book. It’s not true the names of the gods cannot be connected at all with the ancient Near East. There are several articles on this showing plausible identities for those gods, but I want to look more closely at one particular case.

This is an image of the syncretized god Sobek-ra, the crocodile god of the middle kingdom, with Pharaoh Amenhotep III. It’s a larger than life-sized statue.

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Some of you may have been in Luxor, Egypt. It stands right in the entry lobby of the museum there in Luxor. One noteworthy element of the religious situation portrayed in the Book of Abraham is the identification of a crocodile as the idolatrous god of Pharaoh, right there underneath the lion couch. That’s a kind of an odd thing to come up with if you’re a yokel farm-boy from upstate New York. Is that the first thing that comes to your mind? “Oh, idolatrous god of Pharaoh!”

Although this may have seemed strange in Joseph Smith’s day, discoveries in other ancient texts confirm this representation. Unas or Wenis, for example, was the last king of the fifth dynasty, around 2300 B.C., and his pyramid still stands at Saqqara, south of modern Cairo. Utterance 317, Unas’ pyramid texts, includes the following: “The king appears as the crocodile god Sobek, and Unas has come today from the overflowing flood. Unas is Sobek, green plumed, wakeful, alert….Unas arises as Sobek, son of Neith. One scholar observes that “the god Sobek is … viewed as a manifestation of Horus, the god most closely identified with the kingship of Egypt” during the Egyptian Middle Kingdom era (around 2000 B.C., maybe a little later), which includes the time period that tradition indicates is Abraham’s time.

Intriguingly, Middle Kingdom Egypt saw a great deal of activity in the large oasis to the southwest of modern Cairo known as the Faiyum. Crocodiles were common there. You know what the name of the place was to the Greeks? The major town there was called “Crocodileopolis.”

Does that give you a clue? Crocodiles were common there and Sobek was the chief local deity. The [wife of the] last king of the 12th Dynasty, which may include the period of Abraham’s life, even adopted the name of the crocodile god, calling [herself] Nefru-Sobek6 (“Beautiful is Sobek”). And five pharaohs of the next dynasty, the 13th, took the name Sebek-hotpe (“Sobek is content”).7

He got everything wrong about the facsimiles, right? That’s just not true.

Polygamy

Polygamy is a big issue for the Letter to a CES Director too, but what’s noteworthy to me is the things that are not engaged. And I just mention a couple of recent things, but these represent work that’s been done over the past decade or so on polygamy. This is a book by Newell Bringhurst and Craig Foster called Persistence of Polygamy.

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At least three of the essays in that particular volume are directly relevant to charges made in the letter, but it doesn’t address them. Here are the three volumes of Brian Hales’ massive work on Joseph Smith’s polygamy, again, essentially unaddressed.

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Here’s the website that Brian and Laura Hales are now doing where a lot of these issues are discussed [josephsmithspolygamy.org]. No engagement with this or with anything, as far as I can see, that they put forward.

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Witnesses to the Book of Mormon

The author of the letter then attacks the witnesses. And one of the things that is now done, the newly fashionable way of addressing the witnesses is to say, “Well, these were primitive people, you know, of a different era. They really couldn’t distinguish reality from fantasy.” And so, there was an article that Richard Lloyd Anderson wrote for the old Journal of Book of Mormon Studies.

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I confess, I was the one who provoked him into doing it. I pestered him and pestered him and pestered him for about two years, because I thought this article was necessary: “Attempts to Redefine the Experience of the Eight Witnesses.” The eight witnesses were explicit in many cases. They held the plates. They saw them. Hyrum Smith said, “With these eyes… I held them with these hands.” And then I hear people say, “Well, they never really claimed to see them with their natural eyes.” What? What more could they say? It’s like they’re directly addressing these critics today. But those sorts of statements are ignored in favor of often second- and third- and fourth-hand statements suggesting they never actually saw or touched the plates at all.

This is what he says, the author of the letter:

[Letter to a CES Director] “The mistake that is made by 21st century Mormons is that they’re seeing the Book of Mormon Witnesses as empirical, rational, nineteenth-century men instead of the nineteenth-century magical-thinking superstitious and treasure-digging men they were.”

I confess, as somebody who has spent a lot of time, much of my life, looking at people from pre-modern periods, that the sheer condescension of this, the chronological smugness and complacency of that statement irritates me, and not merely because I’m a believing Latter-day Saint. It’s rather like someone to ascribe early Christian belief in the resurrection of Jesus to the supposed fact that ancient people, unlike us, hadn’t yet realized that dead people tend to stay dead, which, if it were true at all, would leave us wondering why they thought the resurrection of Jesus was such a big deal. Happens all the time, right?

But recently the preferred method of dealing with the witnesses is simply to say they are primitive and superstitious and so on. But, here’s a paragraph I wrote some years ago, a couple of paragraphs, and I’m going to read them because I’m fond of them. Some of you may have heard it before, but I think the point needs to be made:

It seems implausible to assume that the witnesses, early nineteenth-century farmers who spent their lives rising at sunrise, pulling up stumps, clearing rocks, plowing fields, sowing seeds, carefully nurturing crops, herding livestock, milking cows, digging wells, building cabins, raising barns, harvesting food, bartering, in an often cashless economy, for what they could not produce themselves, wearing clothes made from plant fibers and skins, anxiously watching the seasons, and walking or riding animals out under the weather until they retired to their beds shortly after sunset in “a world lit only by fire,” that they were estranged from everyday reality.

It’s especially unbelievable when the claim is made by people whose lives, like mine, consist to a large extent of staring at digital screens in artificially air-conditioned and artificially lit homes and offices, clothed in synthetic fibers, commuting between the two in enclosed and air-conditioned mechanical vehicles while they listen to the radio, chat on their cell phones, and fiddle with their iPods, whose inner workings are largely mysterious to them, who buy their prepackaged food (with little or no regard for the time or the season) by means of plastic cards and electronic financial transfers from artificially illuminated and air-conditioned supermarkets enmeshed in international distribution networks of which they know virtually nothing, the rhythms of whose daily lives are largely unaffected by the rising and setting of the sun. Somehow the current generation seems ill-positioned to accuse the witnesses’ generation of being out of touch with reality.8

And, I think of Martin Harris with the plates, at one point, before he is actually a witness, sitting on his lap in a box. He hasn’t seen them, but he can feel them. You know, rocks are heavy, but lead is heavier, right? And gold is heavy. And sometimes, the box is just too small to be full of rocks. It wouldn’t be as heavy as it was, and he said, he was sitting there thinking this is really heavy and I knew that they had to be either lead or gold, and I knew that Joseph didn’t have enough credit to get so much lead. I’ve always thought that was a funny comment. Yeah, so it’s obviously gold. Well, as a matter of fact, it was. But that scarcely seems mystical or estranged from reality to me.

And then you have the Smith women feeling the plates, hearing them rustle against one another. These are not mystical visionary experiences. This is matter-of-fact stuff. They are cleaning the house; they have to move the darn plates. They’re 60 pounds. I’m very impressed with the witnesses. They cannot be brushed aside as easily as all that.

James Strang and the Strangite witnesses

Here’s a picture of James Jesse Strang.

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The author of the letter brings up the Strangite witnesses and says basically they are the same kind of thing that Joseph had. I’m just going to summarize what I have written here in order to go through it more quickly. The Strangite witnesses never claim a supernatural experience, several of them apostatized, several of them said, “You know, it looked to me like Strang probably made them.” No one doubts they existed. The question is where did they come from? He put them on display and people looked at them and they said, “It looks like the kind of stuff you make a teapot out of.” This is probably what it was. These are not very impressive witness testimonies, and it took Strang ten years to produce his book. Joseph dictated his in two months. I mean, at every point the contrast works in Joseph Smith’s favor, it seems to me.

Other issues

Ok, well, the letter goes on, and on, and on, and on, and on, and on. Everything is thrown in: The Paul Dunn story, the Salamander Letter, Church finances, the September Six. The author dislikes the temple, thinks it’s silly.

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Well, I wonder: OK, is that the attitude before deconversion? That would be interesting. Or is that the attitude afterwards? In which case, well, that says something too. But frankly, to be honest, I ran out of patience. Ninety pages – it was boring as could be. So, I want to recommend some things. I don’t like just playing defense, so I want to be really quick and some of you have heard me say this before. I’m going to keep beating this drum because I see casualties all the time.

Affirmative things rather than negative things

It is not enough to simply play defense. If you’re playing a football game and your defense is always on the field, you’re probably going to lose. They might occasionally get an interception or a fumble, and score, but probably you’re going to lose. Likewise, a metaphor I heard the other night from John Lynch was that we are often trying to fill in the holes experienced in testimony. Well, if we fill them in, we just bring them back up to normal ground level. That’s not enough. We want to build things up. There are lots of metaphors you could use. If we’re always just putting out fires, you’re going to miss one. You know, eventually you’re going to miss a fire. So, build conditions where the fires don’t happen. Soak your lawn.

So I would rather do affirmative things than just negative things, and I’m going to very quickly go through a few recommendations here. For example, I’ve mentioned Richard Anderson before: Investigating the Book of Mormon Witnesses.

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This is, to my mind, one of the great books ever published in Mormonism. Now, that’s not the only thing he wrote on the witnesses, but it will stand in for the other things. A friend of mine once sat down beside me while I was surreptitiously sitting at the back of a Gospel Doctrine class re-reading that book. And he sat down next to me, he teaches Religious Ed. at BYU and he said, “You know, next to the scriptures, that is the most faith-promoting book I’ve ever read.” Well, it is an impressive book, and Richard Anderson has worked hard on the witnesses and has shown that they are sane, stable, reasonable, reputable, respected, consistent, honest people. And that counts for a huge amount. Not just that book, as I say, but other things.

Another book: “Opening the Heavens,” by John W. Welch.

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It deals with six issues basically. The First Vision, the coming forth of the Book of Mormon, the restoration of the priesthood, Joseph Smith’s visionary experiences generally, the restoration of temple keys, and finally the succession in the presidency, notably that transfiguration of Brigham Young in Nauvoo. It is a deeply faith-promoting book, particularly on issues like the First Vision and so on. I highly recommend it. I wish people in the Church would read these. When people come to me and say “I know someone who’s losing a testimony,” or “I’m having trouble,” I would say, “Would you read these? We’ll deal with your specific objections, but read these.” This is a kind of general packet I suggest to people.

Here’s another one, and I could probably come up with others, but these occur to me. Mark McConkie’s book, “Remembering Joseph”, is a huge compilation of eyewitness accounts of Joseph, not all of them on issues related to his veracity, but many of them that do relate to that, and it includes a CD that includes 2000 pages of material that he couldn’t cram into this. It’s a tremendous collection, and the stories that are told, clearly to me, strongly indicate the credibility of Joseph.

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And another: “Understanding the Book of Mormon,” Grant Hardy’s book from Oxford University Press, written for a non-LDS audience.

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He is not arguing for the truthfulness of the Book of Mormon, but to me it makes a powerful argument for just that. His argument is, with really meticulous analysis, that Nephi, Mormon and Moroni are distinct personalities who have different approaches to what they’re writing, different philosophies of history, different views of the universe in a way. Now, to me, the most economical explanation of that is they are three different personalities. They are consistently different. How do you explain that? That doesn’t come from Solomon Spalding. It doesn’t come, I think, from Joseph Smith as “yokel” dictating it on the fly, eight and a half to eleven pages of the printed edition daily. Rapid, rapid pace. That’s a book that I recommend, a little more difficult than the others, but to me it makes a powerful, powerful case.

And I’ll just toss in this other one to stand for all the kind of work that was done by the…by at least the “old FARMS”, the old Maxwell Institute, in arguing for the ties of the Book of Mormon in striking ways to the ancient Near East, to ancient Mesoamerica and so on. Things that, in my mind, are rather difficult to explain away, and there are lots and lots and lots of them…well over a hundred distinct arguments that you could make. I think that that needs to be summarized even more concisely than what we have there, but that’s a good starting point.

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Let me make just a couple more points and then I’ll try to shut up. I think that much is dependent on the attitude that we bring to things. These four books I recommend, but I know people that can read them and just brush them aside, especially if you’ve heard something negative about Joseph Smith and the Church. But, I think when people come to me, and they’ll sometimes say….Well, let’s put it this way. Suppose one day you hear a shockingly negative report about someone. What effect will the report have upon your opinion of that person? Well, phrased in such a way the question is essentially unanswerable. Why? Because it matters very, very much whether you had any prior experience with that person – what kind of experience it’s been. Suppose the report is the first thing you’ve ever heard about the person. Well, then that constitutes essentially 100% of what you know, right? And so, if it’s a really negative report your initial inclination is to think it’s a really bad person. What if it’s a person about whom you’ve heard really bad things? It doesn’t change your view fundamentally, but it reinforces. What if it’s a person, though, that you’ve known for forty years? You’ve known him really well. You’ve trusted him. He’s always been reliable and a person of integrity. You hear this report. You’re going to be much more inclined to give him the benefit of the doubt, and to say, “You know, I’d really like to hear what he has to say.” I’d say the same thing about Joseph Smith. If you have a strong opinion about Joseph Smith, or of the Book of Mormon, it’s going to take a lot more to overturn that favorable opinion than if you know almost nothing, or if you have a negative opinion, or, for some reason, as I think happened in the case of the “Letter to a CES Director,” you’ve come to have a mistrustful attitude. Then almost nothing can be allowed to count. It really matters what you bring to the question with you.

There’s a nice image of Joseph Smith. Some of you will recognize, if you’re my generation, from the old Brigham Young movie. Vincent Price, of all people, portraying Joseph Smith. But I think those four books, to my mind, it would help to create that positive attitude.

What do non-Mormon scholars have to say about Joseph Smith?

I’ll just say this, and I’ll have done. I don’t object to the attempt in the Letter to a CES Director to subject the claims of Mormonism to reasoned examination. I just don’t think the effort went nearly far or deep enough.

An adequate examination of Mormonism should take into account the fact, noted by the great German social theorist Max Weber, that Joseph Smith “resembled, even in matters of detail, Muhammad and, above all, the Jewish prophets.”

It should explain the non-Mormon Old Testament scholar Lester Grabbe’s contention that an understanding of Joseph Smith can shed valuable light on prophecy in ancient Israel.

It should make at least an attempt to deal with the amazement of the Finnish Lutheran scholar Heikki Räisänen expressed in an article published some years ago in the Theologische Lituraturzeitung (a commonly read magazine around these parts) at the uncanny way in which Joseph Smith hit upon salient issues and problems in ancient scriptural texts and moved to resolve them.

It should engage with the Catholic philosopher Stephen Webb’s admiration, in his 2013 Oxford University Press book Mormon Christianity: What Other Christians Can Learn from the Latter-day Saints, for the materialistic metaphysics of Mormon thought. Professor Webb argues that the idea of a permanently embodied Christ, and an embodied God, has a great deal to offer the wider Christian world.

“One can think what one wants,” wrote the late German ecclesiastical historian Ernst Benz, “of the doctrine of progressive deification in Mormonism. But one thing is certain: With this anthropology, Joseph Smith is closer to the view of Man held by the ancient church than the precursors of the Augustinian doctrine of the Original Sin were, who considered the thought of such a substantial connection between God and Man as the heresy par excellence.”

In the examination of Joseph Smith that’s going to be fair, [one] should confront the admiration of the Yale University literary scholar Harold Bloom for Joseph Smith. “Other Americans have been religious makers,” wrote Bloom, “but none of them has the imaginative vitality of Joseph Smith’s revelation. A judgment one makes on the authority of a lifetime spent in apprehending the visions of great poets and original speculators. So self-created was he that he transcends Emerson and Whitman in my imaginative response and takes his place with the great figures of our fiction. So strong was Joseph’s act of reading the Bible,” Bloom says, “that it broke through all the orthodoxies and found its way back to elements that Smith rightly intuited that had been censored out of the stories of the archaic Jewish religion.”

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The shallow con artist implied by the Letter to a CES Director doesn’t seem even remotely adequate or worthy of such comments from respected, even eminent, non-Mormon scholars, which is much more a reflection on the Letter than on Joseph Smith.

And what of Joseph’s teaching on exaltation? Listen to what the Dominican Catholic priest Jordan Vajda has to say at the end of his 1998 thesis at the Graduate Theological Union in Berkeley: “What has resulted from taking another look at The God Makers? The Mormons are truly god makers, as the doctrine of exaltation explains. The fullness of human salvation means becoming a god, yet, what was meant to be a term of ridicule has turned out to be a term of approbation, for the witness of the Greek Fathers of the Church is that they also believe that salvation meant becoming a god. It seems that if one’s soteriology cannot accommodate a doctrine of human divinization, then he has, at least implicitly, if not explicitly, rejected the heritage of the early Christian Church and departed from the faith of first millennium Christianity. However, if that is the case, those that would espouse such a soteriology also believe, in fact, that Christianity from about the second century on has apostatized and gotten it wrong on this core issue of human salvation. Thus ironically, those who would excoriate Mormons for believing the doctrine of exaltation actually agree with them that the early Church experienced a great apostasy on fundamental questions. And the supreme irony is that such persons should probably investigate the claims of the LDS Church,” (this coming from a Catholic priest), “which proclaims that from within itself can be found the restoration of all things.”

Well, for this, and many other reasons, those who have been led by the Letter to a CES Director to abandon their faith, should, in my view, reconsider those Mormon claims and the abundant historical support that’s available for them. They simply haven’t studied enough.

Thank you.

———

Notes

1 Jeff Lindsay, Coping with the “Big List” of Attacks on the LDS Faith, FairMormon Blog (20 May 2014)
2 PZ Myers, “No! Not the list of stumpers again!”, ScienceBlogs (9 April 2014)
3 Kevin Christensen, “Eye of the Beholder, Law of the Harvest: Observations on the Inevitable Consequences of the Different Investigative Approaches of Jeremy Runnells and Jeff Lindsay,” Interpreter: A Journal of Mormon Scripture 10 (2014): 175-238.
4 Daniel C. Peterson, “On the New World Archaeological Foundation,” The FARMS Review 16/1 (2004). See also Daniel C. Peterson and Matthew Roper, “Ein Heldenleben? On Thomas Stuart Ferguson as an Elias for Cultural Mormons,” The FARMS Review 16/1 (2004).
5 B.H. Roberts, Defense of the Faith and the Saints Vol. 1 (1907) 261-262.
6 Editor’s note: In Daniel C. Peterson’s original talk and in the original Ensign article, Nefru-Sobek was said to be the king when in reality she was the queen. The error has been corrected in this transcript.
7 Daniel C. Peterson, “News from Antiquity,” Ensign (January 1994)
8 Daniel C. Peterson, “Book of Mormon witness testimonies. Reality: Brushing aside accounts of these men is not so simple,” Deseret News (25 March 2010).

Of ‘Mormon Studies’ and Apologetics

Daniel C. Peterson

Founded in California in 1979 by Jack Welch, FARMS, or the Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies, became part of Brigham Young University in 1997.

It did so at the invitation of President Gordon B. Hinckley, who remarked at the time that “FARMS represents the efforts of sincere and dedicated scholars. It has grown to provide strong support and defense of the Church on a professional basis. I wish to express my strong congratulations and appreciation for those who started this effort and who have shepherded it to this point.”

Plainly, FARMS had gained a reputation for doing apologetics, though it must be said that apologetics was never its sole focus. It has always fostered scholarship that cannot plausibly be characterized as apologetic; Professor Royal Skousen’s meticulous, landmark work on the text and textual history of the Book of Mormon is perhaps the most notable example of such scholarship, but it’s far from alone.

Our official motto, though, was drawn from Doctrine and Covenants 88:118: “By study and also by faith.”

In his essay “Advice to Christian Philosophers,” Alvin Plantinga of the University of Notre Dame, indisputably among the preeminent Christian philosophers of our time, argued that “we who are Christians and propose to be philosophers must not rest content with being philosophers who happen, incidentally, to be Christians; we must strive to be Christian philosophers.”1 Elder Neal A. Maxwell exhorted Latter-day Saint academics in much the same spirit: “The LDS scholar has his citizenship in the Kingdom,” he said, “but carries his passport into the professional world—not the other way around.”

However inadequately, we who were affiliated with FARMS from its early years tried to work and to act in that spirit.

In 2006, much to our delight and (though we had requested the change) to our surprise, the organization was rechristened as the Neal A. Maxwell Institute for Religious Scholarship. He had always been an enthusiastic supporter of our work and personally interested in it; his passing, two years before, had saddened us, and others, enormously.

At the dinner during which the new name was formally announced, President Boyd K. Packer, of the Quorum of the Twelve praised two specific aspects of the Institute’s work: the Islamic Translation Series and the Institute’s defense of the Kingdom. It was very much in the spirit of Elder Maxwell himself, who wanted to permit critics of the Church “no more uncontested slam dunks.”

As recently as 21 April 2010, the Maxwell Institute’s Mission Statement positioned the organization as “Describ[ing] and defend[ing] the Restoration through highest quality scholarship” and “Provid[ing] an anchor of faith in a sea of LDS Studies.”2

In a posthumous tribute to his friend C. S. Lewis, the English philosopher and theologian Austin Farrer wrote a passage that became a favorite of Elder Maxwell’s, and that Elder Maxwell used on several public occasions. It also served for many years as a kind of unofficial motto for several of us who were involved with, first, FARMS and, then, its successor organization, the Maxwell Institute:

Though argument does not create conviction, lack of it destroys belief. What seems to be proved may not be embraced; but what no one shows the ability to defend is quickly abandoned. Rational argument does not create belief, but it maintains a climate in which belief may flourish.3

In referring to such “argument,” Austin Farrer had in mind what is typically called—very commonly among Catholics and Evangelicals, though far less commonly among Latter-day Saints—apologetics.

Derived from the Greek word απολογία (“speaking in defense”) apologetics is the practice or discipline of defending a position (usually, but not always, a religious one) through the use of some combination or other of evidence and reason. In modern English, those who are known for defending their positions (often minority views) against criticism or attack are frequently termed apologists.4 In my remarks today, I’ll be using the word apologetics to refer to attempts to prove or defend religious claims. But the fact is that every argument defending any position, even a criticism of Latter-day Saint apologetics, is an apology. “By itself, ‘apologist’ does not tell whether the cause is noble or disreputable.”5

Some people turn their noses up at the thought of apologetics. As Richard Lloyd Anderson notes, being called an “apologist” is commonly “a put-down, meaning one who trashes truth.”6 “‘Apologetics,'” writes Paul J. Griffiths, currently Warren Professor of Catholic Thought at the Divinity School of Duke University,

has . . . become a term laden with negative connotations: to be an apologist for the truth of one religious claim or set of claims over against another is, in certain circles, seen as not far short of being a racist. And the term has passed into popular currency, to the extent that it has, as a simple label for argument in the service of a predetermined orthodoxy, argument concerned not to demonstrate but to convince, and, if conviction should fail, to browbeat into submission.7

“In almost all mainstream institutions in which theology is taught in the USA and Europe,” Griffiths reports,

apologetics as an intellectual discipline does not figure prominently in the curriculum. You will look for it in vain in the catalogues of the Divinity Schools at Harvard or Chicago; liberal Protestants have never been wedded to the practice of interreligious apologetics, and while the Roman Catholic Church has a long and honorable tradition of apologetics, interreligious and other, its approach to theological thinking about non-Christian religious communities has moved far from the apologetical since the Second Vatican Council, and especially since the promulgation of the conciliar document Nostra Aetate.8

Apologists, some critics declare, are not concerned with truth; what apologists do isn’t real scholarship, and anyhow, as one hostile Internet apostate put it, apologetics is “a fundamentally unethical and immoral enterprise.” Or, alternatively, in the words of another anonymous Internet ex-Mormon, “Each of us is either a man or woman of faith or of reason. . . . All apologetics is, is faux logic, faux reason designed to lure the wonderer back into the fold. Those of faith are threatened by defectors to reason.” “Apologists,” he continued in a subsequent post,

try to shill an explanation to questioning members as though science and reason really explain and buttress their professed faith. It [sic] does not. By definition, faith is the antithesis of science and reason. Apologetics is a further deception by faith peddlers to keep power and influence.

I’m willing to wager, by the way, that although these critics want believers to stop responding, they do not intend to stop criticizing. There is no question that any team will score more easily if the opposing team’s defensive players leave the field, but I’m unaware of any athlete with the chutzpah to make the request.

But this attitude seems, anyway, to reflect a fundamental misunderstanding—like any other form of intellectual enterprise, apologetics can be done competently or incompetently, logically or illogically, honestly or not—and it certainly ignores the venerable tradition of apologetics, which has enlisted some very notable writers, scholars, and thinkers (e.g., Socrates/Plato, St. Justin Martyr, Origen of Alexandria, St. Augustine, al-Ghazālī, Ibn Rushd [Averroës], Moses Maimonides, St. Anselm, St. Thomas Aquinas, Hugo Grotius, John Locke, John Henry Newman, G. K. Chesterton, Ronald Knox, C. S. Lewis, Dorothy Sayers, Richard Swinburne, Alvin Plantinga, Peter Kreeft, Stephen Davis, N. T. Wright, and William Lane Craig). It’s dubious (at best) to summarily dismiss these people or their apologetic writings as “fundamentally unethical and immoral” and flatly irrational. Within the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, although the term has rarely been used, there has been apologetic activity from the very beginning. (The brothers Parley and Orson Pratt, Oliver Cowdery, Orson Spencer, John Taylor, B. H. Roberts, and Hugh Nibley represent some of the high points.)

Still, a few faithful members of the church profess to disdain apologetics as well.

Some, for instance, seem to believe it inherently evil. They appear to use the word apologetics to mean “trying to defend the church but doing so badly,” whether through incompetence, dishonesty, or mean-spiritedness. But, again, apologetics, as such, is a value-neutral term. Just like historical writing, carpentry, and cooking, apologetics can be done well or poorly. Apologists, like attorneys and scientists and field laborers, can be pleasant or unpleasant, humble or arrogant, honest or dishonest, fair or unfair, civil and polite, or nasty and insulting.

The very recent decision by the current leadership of the Maxwell Institute to forego explicit defense and advocacy of Mormonism—to renounce explicit apologetics—may have been influenced by concerns about the arrogant mean-spiritedness of one or two of those most prominently associated with its apologetic side. But, from what I can tell—and I’ll freely admit that I and others have found explanations of the Institute’s announced “new course” somewhat inscrutable—it seems certain that the principal factor was a desire to become more purely “academic,” and to reconceive its audience as not merely including professional scholars but as primarily if not exclusively comprised of full-time academics and academic libraries.

Whereas, much earlier, FARMS had been encouraged by a prominent Church leader not to forget “the Relief Society sister in Parowan,” the Maxwell Institute’s new audience has been expressly said not to include “the typical Mormon in Ogden.”

“The Neal A. Maxwell Institute for Religious Scholarship,” says the Institute’s public announcement that it had dismissed the editors of the Mormon Studies Review (or FARMS Review) and suspended publication of that journal, “is continually striving to align its work with the academy’s highest objectives and standards, as befits an organized research unit at Brigham Young University. . . . We are going to assemble a group of scholars in the area of Mormon studies to consult with us on how best to position Mormon Studies Review within this area of study.”

So what is “Mormon studies”? What is this field in which the new Mormon Studies Review, when and if it reappears after a suitably long period of detoxification, is going to better position itself?

“The term Mormon studies means different things to different people,” M. Gerald Bradford, the current director of the Maxwell Institute, wrote in an article published by the FARMS Review in 2007. “For some . . . it is synonymous with Mormon historical studies. . . . I use the term to refer to a range of efforts likely to contribute directly to work on the tradition in various religious studies programs.”9

Mormon studies, it seems, is a subset of the broader field of “religious studies.” But what is this field of “religious studies”?

On the whole, it’s quite different from the way in which Brigham Young University has historically approached Mormonism. “In the wider academic world,” writes Dr. Bradford,

within religion programs in private, nonaffiliated, and public colleges and universities, such study is conducted in a diverse intellectual environment. At BYU the subject is approached from a perspective of institutional and individual commitment. While BYU does offer a few courses on other religions, it does not maintain a religious studies program. It is devoted, in other words, to teaching students the “language of faith” more than the “language about faith.”10

“It proceeds,” he says of religious studies, “on the basis of maintaining a distinction between descriptive and structural studies on the one hand and attempts at grappling with religious value judgments and truth claims on the other.”11 It constitutes “an important and influential alternative to theological approaches that have been, and continue to be, the way religion is most often studied and taught in this country.”12 In religious studies, says Dr. Bradford, “before attempting to resolve questions of truth or value, the goal should be to show the influence and power of these ideas and practices in the real world and to discern how they interact with other aspects of human existence.”13 Thus, there should be no surprise that, in Dr. Bradford’s lengthy FARMS Review article entitled “The Study of Mormonism: A Growing Interest in Academia,” strikingly little attention—indeed, almost none—is given to apologetics.14

“Fundamentally,” observes my friend and colleague William Hamblin, who has published extensively on Islam, ancient holy warfare, and Solomon’s temple in myth and history,

religious studies examines religion as a human phenomenon, with the (often unspoken) assumption that religious belief and practice is entirely explainable without positing the existence of God or his intervention in human history and life. This is a self-imposed limitation on the discipline, in which it is mimicking . . . the empiricism and materialism of the natural sciences. This assumption makes some sense in some ways, since religion is indeed an integral part of of all human societies and cultures, and can be studied by examining its human context and its impact on human cultures, societies, and individuals.15

A couple of almost randomly chosen religious studies programs should serve to illustrate the orientation of the field:

The website of the religious studies program at Utah Valley University, in Orem, explains that

The program is intended to serve our students and community by deepening our understanding of religious beliefs and practices in a spirit of open inquiry. Its aim is neither to endorse nor to undermine the claims of religion, but to create an environment in which various issues can be engaged from a variety of perspectives and methodologies.16

A corresponding entry for the religious studies program at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill informs students that

Writing for religious studies takes place within a secular, academic environment, rather than a faith-oriented community. For this reason, the goal of any paper in religious studies should not be to demonstrate or refute provocative religious concepts, such as the existence of God, the idea of reincarnation, or the possibility of burning in hell. By nature, such issues are supernatural and/or metaphysical and thus not open to rational inquiry.17

In this light, notice how the 2012 Mission Statement of the Maxwell Institute reads, and contrast it with the one I quoted above from 2010:

By furthering religious scholarship through the study of scripture and other texts, Brigham Young University’s Neal A. Maxwell Institute for Religious Scholarship seeks to deepen understanding and nurture discipleship among Latter-day Saints while promoting mutual respect and goodwill among people of all faiths.”

“Understanding” will be “deepened” through “the study of scripture and other texts”—some of these other texts being those of the Middle Eastern Texts Initiative, which I conceived and founded and which deals with such materials as the Physics of Ibn Sina, Moses Maimonides’ Medical Aphorisms, and The Incoherence of the Philosophers by al-Ghazali. “Scholarship” will also, the Statement indicates, “nurture discipleship among Latter-day Saints.”

Gone is the language about “defend[ing] the Restoration” and “provid[ing] an anchor of faith in a sea of LDS Studies.” The focus, now, is on “how best to position Mormon Studies Review [and, presumably, the Maxwell Institute as a whole] within this area of study.”

It’s been explained to me and a few others that, in fact, the Maxwell Institute will continue to do apologetics, in the sense that solid scholarship will create a favorable impression in the minds of the scholars who read it. But this seems to stretch the meaning of the term apologetics well beyond customary bounds. Fielding a successful football team and hiring an effective grounds crew to keep the flowers blooming on BYU’s campus also tend to make favorable impressions upon outsiders, and I support them, but they don’t seem in any real sense “apologetic.”

One enthusiastic proponent of Mormon studies has pointed out what should be obvious, given the general nature of the broader field of religious studies, that “those engaged in Mormon studies do not necessarily have to be Mormon themselves.”18

Let me say right away that I believe there is a place for such studies. I, myself, in my writing on Islam, work from within a similar methodology. And I don’t object to such approaches when the topic is Mormonism. That’s why I’m currently serving as president of the Society for Mormon Philosophy and Theology, which actively involves non-Mormon and—how can I say this without giving offense where none is intended?—non-communicant Mormon scholars as well as believing Mormon scholars in its conferences and its journal and on its board.

In fact, during the last conversation that I had with the director of the Maxwell Institute before I left for six weeks overseas—I was dismissed by email roughly a week into my trip, while in Jerusalem—I was informed of the new course to which the Maxwell Institute is now committed. To illustrate what the “new course” might look like, three volumes recently published by a new Mormon-oriented venture called Salt Press were offered to me as prime examples of the kind of writing that the Institute ought to be sponsoring. As it happens, I agree that we should have been sponsoring such writing. In fact, I serve on Salt Press’s Editorial Board.

I see no reason why both apologetics and Mormon studies shouldn’t be encouraged, nor even why they can’t both be pursued by the same organization, published in the same journal, cultivated by the same scholar. There is, I believe, a place for both.

I see apologetics as a form, a subgenre, of Mormon studies. If I didn’t, I would never have permitted the renaming of the FARMS Review as the Mormon Studies Review, because that name change would have represented a fundamental change of mission for the journal—as, in fact, I’m now informed that it did.

I’m for inclusion, rather than exclusion. But there can be no question that Mormon studies, as it’s conceived in secular academic programs, is quite distinct from apologetics or “defense of the faith.” And, unlike me, some see the two approaches as utterly incompatible, one being academically legitimate and the other not—just as the kind of religious education practiced at BYU would be disdained at many colleges and universities.

A few observers, commenting on the recent shake-up at the Maxwell Institute, have claimed that it represents a generational change: A newer, perhaps better trained, certainly kinder and gentler cohort of scholars is arriving on the scene that is embarrassed if not disgusted by the things their predecessors have done, and that is eager to replace sordid polemics and distasteful pseudoscholarship with solid, dispassionate Mormon studies. Time will tell whether this change of generations will really deliver the predicted transformation. But it’s demonstrably untrue that academic discomfort with apologetics is a novelty, without precedent. Hugh Nibley, widely venerated now, was reviled and resented by some of his fellow Latter-day Saint academics not so very long ago.

Richard Lloyd Anderson, one of our most distinguished Latter-day Saint scholars and the premier authority on the Witnesses to the Book of Mormon, told me many years ago of being labeled early in his career by fellow Mormons as an apologist rather than a real scholar. “Today,” he has told me in a private email,

Latter-day Saint scholars are rescuing “apologist” from the trash bin, but it probably will continue as a standard sneer in uninformed circles. I would rather not be so described, but I am convinced intellectually and spiritually that Joseph Smith was authorized by angels to restore Christ’s Original Church. Rather than feel insulted by a misused label, I keep paradoxical satisfaction that the ancient and millennial gospel of light has caused me to be exiled to intellectual outer darkness. Yet the Lord promised his ancient Twelve: “Whosoever therefore shall confess me before men, him will I confess also before my Father which is in heaven” (Matt. 10:32).

This conflict will not soon end. But I still will hope for more accurate descriptions. My thesaurus lists “advocate” as a synonym for “apologist.” These terms have few differences in objective meaning, but the connotative distinction for me is very meaningful.19

I’m not sure, unfortunately, that Latter-day Saint scholars have rescued the term apologist from the trash bin, as Professor Anderson says. I haven’t given up hope, but I’m not sure that we’ll be able to do it.

In an article entitled “Where is the ‘Mormon’ in Mormon Studies?” that appeared in the 2011 inaugural issue of the Claremont Journal of Mormon Studies, Loyd Ericson, a proponent of Mormon studies who has been vocally overjoyed at recent changes—both of direction and of personnel—at the Maxwell Institute, suggested that some people might need to be excluded from the field of Mormon studies. We’re “force[d] . . . to ask the questions,” he wrote, “of who should be allowed to participate, how should it be done, and what should be the objects of these studies. Should boundaries of exclusion be drawn? Or should all—including the evangelizing, the apologists, the revisionists, and the anti-Mormons—be allowed to mingle in the broadest field of Mormon Studies?”20

Of “the Mormon apologists”—who, he wrote under quite different circumstances back in 2011, are “easily best represented by Daniel Peterson and his colleagues in the Maxwell Institute at Brigham Young University”—Ericson cautions that “While they may at least seem to work within academic standards, there still exists an uneasiness among many about including them into Mormon Studies because of the belief of many academics that Mormon and/or religious studies is a forum for studying, and not promoting or defending, religious beliefs.”21

Ericson allowed, hypothetically, that there might be a “uniquely Mormon methodology” that one could employ in Mormon studies. “This methodology,” he says,

would include a faith or religiously based testimonial as part of one’s argument or discussion. Examples of this might include appealing to one’s own spiritual confirmation of the historical reality of Joseph Smith’s First Vision when discussing the beginnings of Mormonism, basing an understanding of the context of the Book of Mormon off of one’s belief in its ancient origins, or the claim that the growth of the LDS Church is due to the Holy Spirit influencing others to convert to God’s true church.22

His statement is fascinating. Notice how it equates “appealing to one’s own spiritual confirmation of the historical reality of Joseph Smith’s First Vision when discussing the beginnings of Mormonism” and “claim[ing] that the growth of the LDS Church is due to the Holy Spirit” with “basing an understanding of the context of the Book of Mormon off of one’s belief in its ancient origins.” All of these are subsumed under the notion of “includ[ing] a faith or religiously based testimonial as part of one’s argument or discussion.”

One’s personal spiritual experiences would never constitute appropriate or acceptable evidence in an academic argument, however appropriate they surely are in church, and FARMS and Maxwell Institute authors have never appealed to them in that way. Nor would it be suitable to claim, in a purely secular academic argument, that the Holy Spirit is the cause of any religious trend or event. Methodological naturalism reigns supreme in the general academic world, and for good reason.

But an important element in the FARMS and Maxwell Institute approach, certainly a facet of the approach taken by many authors, has been to presume the antiquity of the Book of Mormon, the Book of Abraham, and the like, or at least to consider ancient settings. We wanted to see what can be learned about the texts on that basis, to get an idea of how productive such a viewpoint is. Moreover, Hugh Nibley, the patron saint of FARMS, argued at length in such essays as “New Approaches to Book of Mormon Study,” which first appeared in 1953 and was then incorporated into his Collected Works via the 1989 anthology The Prophetic Book of Mormon, that the proper way to examine the provenance of a disputed text is, first, to assume that it’s genuine. He quotes the eminent German scholar Friedrich Blass: “We have the document, and the name of its author; we must begin our examination by assuming that the author indicated really wrote it.”23

In an online exchange with me back in 2010, Loyd Ericson argued that any apologetic effort attempting to defend the antiquity of the Book of Mormon, the Book of Moses, and the Book of Abraham inescapably makes faulty assumptions about the verifiability of those texts. Why? Because the versions of these scriptures that we have today are in English and date from the nineteenth century, and because we do not possess (and, hence, cannot examine) the putative original-language texts from which they are claimed to have been translated. Accordingly, he said, they cannot plausibly be read, used, tested, or analyzed as ancient historical documents. They can only be read as documents of the nineteenth century, as illustrations of, and in the light of, that period. This, he claimed, is an insurmountable problem.

But, as I argued in an essay published in the late FARMS Review in 2010, it isn’t. Scholars routinely test the claims to historicity of translated documents for which no original-language manuscripts are extant and, also routinely, having satisfied themselves of their authenticity, use them as valuable scholarly resources for understanding the ancient world.24

A few members of the church appear to reject apologetics in principle, regarding it as inevitably, no matter how charitably and competently it is done, more detrimental than beneficial. They seem to do so on the basis of something resembling fideism, the view that faith is independent of reason, and even that reason and faith are incompatible with each other. “The words reasoning and evidence trouble me,” one active Church member said to me during an Internet discussion. They seem, he said,

to imply that things like Hebraisms and the NHM inscription will validate my commitment to Mormonism. This is absolutely and patently untrue and false. Reasoning and so-called evidences are illusions, in a world that requires faith.

There is no rationale for angels, gold plates, and a corporeal Divine visit(s).

There is no rationale for a resurrection, atonement, or exaltation. These things defy reason and logic. There is no possible evidence for these things either.

My faith, my redemption, my happiness/peace are the reasons and evidence for my devotion.

Now, obviously, to treat God solely as a hypothesis, a conjecture, or a topic for discussion is very different from reverencing or submitting to God in a spirit of religious devotion. There are few if any for whom reason is sufficient without faith. Ideally, from the believer’s perspective, God comes to be known in a personal I-Thou relationship, as an experienced challenge and as a comfort in times of sorrow, not merely as a chance to show off in a graduate seminar or, worse, to grandstand on an Internet message board. And many of those who know God in that way—certainly this must be true of simple, unlettered believers across Christendom and throughout its history—may neither need nor desire any further evidence. Moreover, most would agree—I certainly would—that it is impossible, using empirical methods, to prove the divine. And it is surely true that faith is best nurtured and sustained, not by immersion in clever arguments, but by the method outlined in Alma 32. Emulation of the Savior, loving service, faithful home and visiting teaching, generous fast offerings, earnest missionary work, prayerful communication—these are the fundamentally significant elements of a Christian life. There are relatively few people for whom apologetics is a necessary, let alone a sufficient, path to faith.

For the vast majority of people, today as in premodern times, faith isn’t a matter of reason or argumentation, but of hearing the testimonies of others and of coming to conviction on the basis of personal experiences. Each Fast Sunday, Latter-day Saints are privileged to hear often beautiful testimonies that offer neither syllogisms nor objective data. Missionaries quickly discover that it is testimony that changes hearts, not chains of scriptural references, let alone a weighty volume of apologetics.

But that is not to admit that evidence and logic are wholly irrelevant to religious questions. Apologetics is no mere luxury or game. Someone who has been confused and bewildered by the sophistry of antagonists—and often, though not always, that is exactly what it is—might well justly regard apologetic arguments as a vital lifeline permitting the exercise of faith, as a way (in the words of one message board poster) of “keeping a spark going long enough to rekindle a fire.” Testimony can see a person through times when the evidence seems against belief, but studied conviction can help a believer through spiritual dry spells, when God seems distant and spiritual experiences are distant memories. Even faithful members who are untouched by crisis or serious doubt can be benefited by solid apologetic arguments, motivated to stand fast, to keep doing the more fundamental things that will build faith and deepen confidence and strengthen their all-important spiritual witness. Why should such members be deprived of this blessing?

“I am well aware,” says the Oxford philosophical theologian Brian Hebblethwaite in the very first paragraph of his 2005 book In Defense of Christianity,

that reason is not the basis of faith. Christian faith is not founded on arguments. Most believers have either grown up and been nurtured in what have been called “convictional communities” and have simply found that religious faith and participation in religious life make sense to them, or else have been precipitated into religious commitment and practice by some powerful conversion experience. Few people are actually reasoned into faith. The arguments which I intend to sketch here are more like buttresses than foundations, reasons that can be given, as I say, in support of faith.25

I like that image of foundation and buttresses.

Furthermore, in my judgment, that active Church member is simply wrong. There is, in fact, a rational case to be made for such propositions as the actual existence of the gold plates of the Book of Mormon and the resurrection of Christ.26

Will apologetic arguments save everybody? No. The Savior himself aside, nothing will—and, in fact, at least a few determined souls will apparently forgo salvation despite even his gracious atonement. But the fact that some remain unmoved by them no more discredits apologetic arguments as a whole than the enterprise of medicine is rendered worthless by the fact that some patients don’t recover. Certain illnesses are fatal.

The children of God have different temperaments, expectations, capacities, personal histories, interests, and paths, and we dare not, or so it seems to me, close a door on someone’s journey that, though perhaps unnecessary to us, might be invaluable for that person. The fact that I can swim scarcely justifies my standing on the shore watching while someone else drowns because she can’t. As C. S. Lewis put it, speaking of and to well-educated British Christians,

To be ignorant and simple now—not to be able to meet the enemies on their own ground—would be to throw down our weapons, and to betray our uneducated brethren who have, under God, no defence but us against the intellectual attacks of the heathen. Good philosophy must exist, if for no other reason, because bad philosophy needs to be answered.27

If the ground is encumbered with a lush overgrowth of critical arguments, the seed of faith of which Alma speaks cannot take root. It’s the duty of the apologist, in that sense, to clear the ground in order to make it possible for the seed to grow. Faith is still necessary. (I’m unaware of anybody who claims that religious belief derives purely from reason; for that matter, I’m confident that unbelief doesn’t, either.) Apologetics is simply a useful tool that, much as Austin Farrer wrote, helps to preserve an environment that permits such faith to take root and flourish.

“Be ready,” says the First Epistle of Peter, “always to give an answer to every man that asketh you a reason of the hope that is in you with meekness and fear.”28 That’s the King James Version rendering of the passage. “Always be prepared,” reads the New International Version, “to give an answer to everyone who asks you to give the reason for the hope that you have. But do this with gentleness and respect.” The Greek word rendered “answer” in both translations is apologia, which is manifestly cognate with the English word apologetics.

A skeptic of apologetics might, of course, respond that the author of 1 Peter is telling Christians to be willing to testify of Christ and their hope for salvation, something quite distinct from a call to use reason to defend a particular religious claim. And, obviously, the biblical apostles would indeed want us to stand as witnesses for Christ. But does 1 Peter 3:15 exclude the use of rational argument in such testifying?

It seems highly unlikely. The word that is translated as “reason” by both the King James Version and the New International Version, cited above, is the Greek λογος, or logos. It is an extraordinarily rich term, and much has been written about its meaning.29 Logos can refer to speech, a word, a computation or reckoning, the settlement of an account, or the independent personified “Word” of God (as in most translations of John 1:1). A central meaning, however, is “reason,” and it is from logos that the English word logic derives—as do the names of any number of fields devoted to systematic, rational inquiry (e.g., anthropology, archaeology, biology, cosmology, criminology, Egyptology, geology, meteorology, ontology, paleontology, theology, and zoology). It is rendered in the Latin Vulgate Bible’s version of 1 Peter 3:15 as ratio (“reason,” “judgment”), which is obviously related to our English word rational. Furthermore, when Paul spoke before King Agrippa at Caesarea Maritima—arguing that, among other things, Christ’s resurrection fulfilled the predictions of Moses and the other prophets—he was making his “defense,” and he used a Greek verb closely and directly related to apologia: apologeisthai. The Apology of Plato, similarly, reports the speech that Socrates offered before his Athenian accusers.

It seems that 1 Peter’s exhortation to “be ready always to give an answer to every man that asketh you a reason of the hope that is in you” charters and legitimates the use of reasoned argument in support of the gospel of Jesus Christ. Frankly, the idea that active Latter-day Saints might (or even should) feel no obligation to use what they know in order to defend the church against its critics, or to help struggling Saints, strikes me as exceedingly strange. Our responsibility as members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints to love and serve the Lord with all our heart, might, mind, and strength implies such an obligation, and our temple covenants absolutely entail that we sustain and defend the kingdom of God.30

In a sense, the scholar, thinker, teacher, or writer who places his or her skills on the altar as an offering to God is no different from the bricklayer, knitter, carpenter, counselor, administrator, dentist, accountant, youth leader, farmer, physician, linguist, genealogist, or nurse who donates time and labor and specific abilities in the service of God and the Saints and humanity in general.

Now the body is not made up of one part but of many. If the foot should say, “Because I am not a hand, I do not belong to the body,” it would not for that reason cease to be part of the body. And if the ear should say, “Because I am not an eye, I do not belong to the body,” it would not for that reason cease to be part of the body. If the whole body were an eye, where would the sense of hearing be? If the whole body were an ear, where would the sense of smell be? But in fact God has arranged the parts in the body, every one of them, just as he wanted them to be. If they were all one part, where would the body be? As it is, there are many parts, but one body. The eye cannot say to the hand, “I don’t need you!” And the head cannot say to the feet, “I don’t need you!”31

As C. S. Lewis put it, “All our merely natural activities will be accepted, if they are offered to God, even the humblest, and all of them, even the noblest, will be sinful if they are not.”32

Now, one might conceivably argue that while, as a Christian, one is under a divine mandate to bear witness, one is not obliged to use reason to defend specific truth claims, or that, whatever covenants they may have taken upon themselves, Latter-day Saints are not obligated to defend their specific church by the use of such rational arguments as they can muster.

The scriptures, however, seem to teach otherwise. Jesus himself, for example, appealed to miracles and to fulfilled prophecy as evidence that his claims were true. To his disciples, he said, “Believe me that I am in the Father, and the Father in me: or else believe me for the very works’ sake.”33 To the two Christian disciples walking along the road to Emmaus immediately after his resurrection, he said:

O fools, and slow of heart to believe all that the prophets have spoken: Ought not Christ to have suffered these things, and to enter into his glory? And beginning at Moses and all the prophets, he expounded unto them in all the scriptures the things concerning himself. (Luke 24:25-27)

Speaking to other Jews, the original Christian apostles likewise employed fulfilled prophecy and the miracles of Jesus—particularly his resurrection—to demonstrate that Jesus was the Messiah. Consider, for example, how, in his sermon on the day of Pentecost, Peter appeals to fulfilled prophecy and miracles, logic, and personal witness:

Men of Israel, listen to this: Jesus of Nazareth was a man accredited by God to you by miracles, wonders and signs, which God did among you through him, as you yourselves know. This man was handed over to you by God’s set purpose and foreknowledge; and you, with the help of wicked men, put him to death by nailing him to the cross. But God raised him from the dead, freeing him from the agony of death, because it was impossible for death to keep its hold on him. David said about him:

     I saw the Lord always before me.

     Because he is at my right hand,

     I will not be shaken.

     Therefore my heart is glad and my tongue rejoices;

     my body also will live in hope,

     because you will not abandon me to the grave,

     nor will you let your Holy One see decay.

     You have made known to me the paths of life;

     you will fill me with joy in your presence.

Brothers, I can tell you confidently that the patriarch David died and was buried, and his tomb is here to this day. But he was a prophet and knew that God had promised him on oath that he would place one of his descendants on his throne. Seeing what was ahead, he spoke of the resurrection of the Christ, that he was not abandoned to the grave, nor did his body see decay. God has raised this Jesus to life, and we are all witnesses of the fact.34

In dealing with non-Jews, the apostles attempted to demonstrate the existence of God by appealing to evidence of it in nature. Thus, for instance, in Acts 14, when the pagans at Lystra were so impressed by the miracles of Barnabas and Paul that they mistook them for, respectively, Zeus and Hermes, the two apostles were horrified.

They rent their clothes, and ran in among the people, crying out, and saying, Sirs, why do ye these things? We also are men of like passions with you, and preach unto you that ye should turn from these vanities unto the living God, which made heaven, and earth, and the sea, and all things that are therein: who in times past suffered all nations to walk in their own ways. Nevertheless he left not himself without witness, in that he did good, and gave us rain from heaven, and fruitful seasons, filling our hearts with food and gladness.35

Addressing the saints at Rome, Paul declared that

the wrath of God is being revealed from heaven against all the godlessness and wickedness of men who suppress the truth by their wickedness, since what may be known about God is plain to them, because God has made it plain to them. For since the creation of the world God’s invisible qualities—his eternal power and divine nature—have been clearly seen, being understood from what has been made, so that men are without excuse.36

Such appeals to the evidence of nature are also found in the Old Testament: “The heavens declare the glory of God,” says the Psalmist; “the skies proclaim the work of his hands.”37 Historical evidence also plays a role. Addressing the Saints at Corinth, the apostle Paul ticks off a list of witnesses to the resurrection of Jesus as evidence for the truth of what they have been taught:

For what I received I passed on to you as of first importance: that Christ died for our sins according to the Scriptures, that he was buried, that he was raised on the third day according to the Scriptures, and that he appeared to Peter, and then to the Twelve. After that, he appeared to more than five hundred of the brothers at the same time, most of whom are still living, though some have fallen asleep. Then he appeared to James, then to all the apostles, and last of all he appeared to me also.38

During his stay in Athens, Paul “reasoned in the synagogue with the Jews and the God-fearing Greeks, as well as in the marketplace day by day with those who happened to be there.”39 And, most notably, he presented a logical case to some of the city’s Epicurean and Stoic philosophers on Mars Hill, near the Acropolis, even citing proof texts from pagan Greek poets in support of his doctrine.40

It’s clear that both Jesus and the apostles were perfectly willing to supply evidence and to make arguments for the truth of the message they preached. Did this mean that they didn’t trust the Holy Ghost to bring about conversion? Hardly. Instead, they trusted that the Holy Ghost would work through their arguments and their evidence to convert those whose hearts were open to the Spirit.

Moreover, according to the Book of Mormon, a similar mixture of preaching, testifying, and appealing to reason was employed by the inspired leaders of the pre-Columbian New World. Consider the case of the antichrist called Korihor:

And he did rise up in great swelling words before Alma, and did revile against the priests and teachers, accusing them of leading away the people after the silly traditions of their fathers, for the sake of glutting on the labors of the people. Now Alma said unto him: Thou knowest that we do not glut ourselves upon the labors of this people; for behold I have labored even from the commencement of the reign of the judges until now, with mine own hands for my support, notwithstanding my many travels round about the land to declare the word of God unto my people. And notwithstanding the many labors which I have performed in the church, I have never received so much as even one senine for my labor; neither has any of my brethren, save it were in the judgment-seat; and then we have received only according to law for our time. And now, if we do not receive anything for our labors in the church, what doth it profit us to labor in the church save it were to declare the truth, that we may have rejoicings in the joy of our brethren? Then why sayest thou that we preach unto this people to get gain, when thou, of thyself, knowest that we receive no gain?41

Alma even appeals to a simple kind of natural theology to make his point:

And then Alma said unto him: Believest thou that there is a God? And he answered, Nay. Now Alma said unto him: Will ye deny again that there is a God, and also deny the Christ? For behold, I say unto you, I know there is a God, and also that Christ shall come. And now what evidence have ye that there is no God, or that Christ cometh not? I say unto you that ye have none, save it be your word only. But, behold, I have all things as a testimony that these things are true; and ye also have all things as a testimony unto you that they are true; and will ye deny them? Believest thou that these things are true? Behold, I know that thou believest, but thou art possessed with a lying spirit, and ye have put off the Spirit of God that it may have no place in you; but the devil has power over you, and he doth carry you about, working devices that he may destroy the children of God. And now Korihor said unto Alma: If thou wilt show me a sign, that I may be convinced that there is a God, yea, show unto me that he hath power, and then will I be convinced of the truth of thy words. But Alma said unto him: Thou hast had signs enough; will ye tempt your God? Will ye say, Show unto me a sign, when ye have the testimony of all these thy brethren, and also all the holy prophets? The scriptures are laid before thee, yea, and all things denote there is a God; yea, even the earth, and all things that are upon the face of it, yea, and its motion, yea, and also all the planets which move in their regular form do witness that there is a Supreme Creator. And yet do ye go about, leading away the hearts of this people, testifying unto them there is no God? And yet will ye deny against all these witnesses? And he said: Yea, I will deny, except ye shall show me a sign. And now it came to pass that Alma said unto him: Behold, I am grieved because of the hardness of your heart, yea, that ye will still resist the spirit of the truth, that thy soul may be destroyed.42

And the same mixture of preaching, testimony, and reasoning has been enjoined upon members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in this modern dispensation as well. “Behold,” the Lord told William E. McLellin in a revelation given through the Prophet Joseph Smith on 25 October 1831, at Orange, Ohio,

verily I say unto you, that it is my will that you should proclaim my gospel from land to land, and from city to city, yea, in those regions round about where it has not been proclaimed. . . . Go unto the eastern lands, bear testimony in every place, unto every people and in their synagogues, reasoning with the people.43

McLellin was to proclaim the gospel, yes, and to bear testimony, but he was also to reason with his audience—which sounds very much like a description of a type of apologetic argumentation. Indeed, it is difficult to conceive of a method of testifying that in no way includes the faculty of reason. Even to say something as simple as “I have felt divine love, so I’m confident that there is a God who loves me” represents an elementary form of logical argument. Likewise, according to a revelation given at Hiram, Ohio, in November 1831,

My servant, Orson Hyde, was called by his ordination to proclaim the everlasting gospel, by the Spirit of the living God, from people to people, and from land to land, in the congregations of the wicked, in their synagogues, reasoning with and expounding all scriptures unto them.44

Leman Copley, too, called along with Sidney Rigdon and Parley P. Pratt on a mission to his former associates among the Shakers by a revelation given at Kirtland, Ohio, in March 1831, was told to

reason with them, not according to that which he has received of them, but according to that which shall be taught him by you my servants; and by so doing I will bless him, otherwise he shall not prosper.45

On 1 December 1831, in the wake of a series of newspaper articles written by an apostate named Ezra Booth, the Lord told the members of his little church:

Wherefore, confound your enemies; call upon them to meet you both in public and in private; and inasmuch as ye are faithful their shame shall be made manifest. Wherefore, let them bring forth their strong reasons against the Lord. Verily, thus saith the Lord unto you—there is no weapon that is formed against you shall prosper; and if any man lift his voice against you he shall be confounded in mine own due time.46

Not surprisingly, the church’s contemporary missionary program, too, encourages and trains its representatives to give reasons, as the missionaries have always been expected to do. Preach My Gospel, the contemporary guide to missionary service, lists scriptural passages by the scores at appropriate places in its lessons for investigators.14 Missionaries are plainly intended to use these to reason with those they are teaching, to explain the claims of the Restoration and to support and ground them in revealed scripture.

This is what we humans normally do in conversation. When someone asks why we’re voting for Barack Obama or supporting Mitt Romney, or why we think the Dodgers the best team in baseball, we typically give reasons. Simply replying “Because!” seems, somehow, lacking.

Paul J. Griffiths, a trained scholar of Buddhist studies whom I’ve quoted previously, published a book in 1991, entitled An Apology for Apologetics, in which he “defend[s] the need for the traditional discipline of apologetics as one important component of interreligious dialogue.”47 He does so against what he calls a scholarly orthodoxy that “suggests that understanding is the only legitimate goal; that judgement and criticism of religious beliefs or practices other than those of one’s own community is always inappropriate; and that an active defense of the truth of those beliefs and practices to which one’s community appears committed is always to be shunned.”48 In his strongly expressed opinion, “such an orthodoxy (which tends to include the view that the very idea of orthodoxy has no sense) produces a discourse that is pallid, platitudinous, and degutted. Its products are intellectual pacifiers for the immature: pleasant to suck on but not very nourishing.”49

Professor Griffiths argues for what he calls the principle of the “necessity of interreligious apologetics.”50 This is how he formulates it:

If representative intellectuals belonging to some specific religious community come to judge at a particular time that some or all of their own doctrine-expressing sentences are incompatible with some alien religious claim(s), then they should feel obliged to engage in both positive and negative apologetics vis-à-vis these alien religious claim(s) and their promulgators.51

Professor Griffiths distinguishes negative apologetics from positive apologetics in precisely the same way that I have. As an example of negative apologetics, which he describes as a defense of a proposition or belief against criticism, he points out that a critic of Buddhism might argue that the two propositions There are no enduring spiritual substances and Each human person is reborn multiple times are mutually contradictory. In response, a negative Buddhist apologetic will seek to show that there is no contradiction between them.

Critics of Christianity often argue that the existence of massive natural evil in the world is incompatible with the existence of a benevolent God. A negative Christian apologetic will argue that the fact of natural evil actually can be reconciled with belief in a loving God.

In a Latter-day Saint context, negative apologetics will seek to rebut, to neutralize, claims such as Oliver Cowdery denied his testimony or Joseph Smith’s introduction of polygamy shows him to be a man of poor character or Mormonism is racist. Attacks against the claims of the Restoration began even before the publication of the Book of Mormon and the organization of the Church, and Latter-day Saints have been responding to them for nearly two centuries now. Regardless of whether the responses have been sophisticated or not, or are judged adequate or inadequate, they constitute negative apologetics.

Positive apologetics seek to demonstrate that a given religious or ideological community’s practices or beliefs are good, believable, true, and/or, in some cases, superior to those of some other community. While negative apologetics is defensive, positive apologetics is offensive—by which, incidentally, despite my richly deserved reputation for vicious and unethical polemics, I don’t mean to say that it necessarily gives offense.

Griffiths argues that religious communities have an epistemic or even ethical duty to engage in apologetics.52 Why? Because, since religious groups typically claim that their teachings are true, they are obliged to respond when, as usually happens, somebody else claims that, in fact, their teachings are wholly or partially false. We should not be indifferent to the truth or falsity of what we claim, and all the more so when our claim involves matters of ultimate importance. This means that religious communities have a duty to engage in negative apologetics, to defend or justify their assertions.

Mainstream Buddhists, for example, who espouse what has been called the doctrine of “No Self,” believe that the notion of a continuing substantial “soul,” such as most Christians affirm, creates and perpetuates suffering. If challenged by Buddhist thinkers on the question, it is the duty of the Christian community to justify its affirmation or to withdraw it.53

In fact, knowing of the existence of competing doctrines that contradict its own teachings, representatives of a religious community might proceed to a positive apologetics, seeking to demonstrate that one or more of their claims are, in fact, very believable, or even, perhaps, superior to rival views. There is, in fact, arguably an ethical imperative to do so, because religions commonly hold that adherence to their doctrines is important, and maybe even essential, to salvation. Just as a person on the shore holding a life rope has an obligation to help a drowning man, so do those who have the saving doctrines or practices have an obligation to help those who might otherwise perish.

Griffiths also argues that apologetics can substantially benefit the faithful, because of what he describes as

the tendency of members of religious communities not to think in any very self-conscious way about the implications of the views into which they have been acculturated. These views are part of their blood and bone, among the presuppositions of their existence as human beings.54

Religious communities are, he says, typically forced into more nuanced understandings of their own doctrines and practices “primarily by pressures from outside or by criticisms from dissident groups within.” He cites as an example the creedal formulae generated by the ancient ecumenical councils of the Christian church.55 A Latter-day Saint might cite the impetus given to Mormon historians by Fawn Brodie’s assertion that Joseph Smith’s First Vision was a fiction invented relatively late in the Prophet’s life. Several earlier accounts of the Vision were discovered as part of an effort to counter her claim. Apologetics, says Griffiths, who is a scholar of Buddhism, “is a learning tool of unparalleled power. It makes possible a level of understanding of one’s own doctrine-expressing sentences and their logic, as well as those of others, which is not to be had in any other way.”56

Moreover, Griffiths argues, a failure to take contradiction between competing truth claims seriously, a kind of “can’t we all just get along” indifference to resolving disputes, will have very serious consequences. “The result,” he says, “would be both relativism and fideism: religious communities would become closed, impermeable, incommensurable forms of life.”57

With Paul Griffiths, I’m convinced that apologetics is an important part of scholarly discourse in religious studies, that it should be considered a kind of religious studies, and, therefore, of Mormon studies.

Accordingly, I’m delighted to announce the launch of a new venture in Mormon studies, Interpreter: A Journal of Mormon Scripture—the product of a team that came together only a few days back, after my return from overseas less than two weeks ago. Its first article is now online:

http://www.mormoninterpreter.com/

It will not be purely an apologetic journal, but it won’t exclude or disdain apologetics, either.

Published online, it will be available in various ways, including print on demand, and will represent something far more sophisticated, technologically speaking, than we have yet seen in the field of Mormon studies. Being primarily published online, it will also be free to post articles, reviews, and notes as they’re ready to be made public. At a certain point, we’ll close the issue and commence a new one.

This will, I think, be an exciting venue for faithful Latter-day Saint thought and scholarship, as well as for readers. It will require some stretching, perhaps, but we intend to keep firmly in mind not merely the scholarly elite but the Relief Society sister in Parowan and the ordinary Mormon in Ogden.

Notes

1 Alvin Plantinga, “Advice to Christian Philosophers,” Faith and Philosophy 1/3 (July 1984): 271 as cited by Ericson, “Where is the ‘Mormon’ in Mormon Studies?” The Claremont Journal of Mormon Studies, Vol. 1, No. 1 (April 2011) p. 9.

2 Ericson, “Where is the ‘Mormon’ in Mormon Studies?” 7.

3 Austin Farrer, “Grete Clerk,” in Light on C. S. Lewis, edited by Jocelyn Gibb (New York: Harcourt and Brace, 1965), 26.

4 For reflections on what was then the place of apologetics within the overall program of the Neal A. Maxwell Institute for Religious Scholarship, see Daniel C. Peterson, “The Witchcraft Paradigm: On Claims to ‘Second Sight’ by People Who Say It Doesn’t Exist,” FARMS Review 18/2 (2006): ix–xviii.

5 Richard Lloyd Anderson, personal communication (31 July 2012), in the possession of the author of this paper.

6 Richard Lloyd Anderson, personal communication (31 July 2012), in the possession of the author of this paper.

7 Paul J. Griffiths, An Apology for Apologetics: A Study in the Logic of Interreligious Dialogue (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 1991), 2.

8 Griffiths, 2.

9 M. Gerald Bradford, “The Study of Mormonism: A Growing Interest in Academia,” 120, note 2.

10 Bradford, “The Study of Mormonism: A Growing Interest in Academia,” 125-126.

11 Bradford, “The Study of Mormonism: A Growing Interest in Academia,” 127-128.

12 Bradford, “The Study of Mormonism: A Growing Interest in Academia,” 129.

13 Bradford, “The Study of Mormonism: A Growing Interest in Academia,” 131.

14 M. Gerald Bradford, “The Study of Mormonism: A Growing Interest in Academia,” 119-174.

15 http://mormonscriptureexplorations.files.wordpress.com/2012/07/mormon-studies1.pdf

16 http://www.uvu.edu/religiousstudies/aboutprogram/mission.html.

17 http://www.unc.edu/wcweb/handouts/religious_studies.html

18 Ericson, “Where is the ‘Mormon’ in Mormon Studies?” 6.

19 Richard Lloyd Anderson, personal communication (31 July 2012), in the possession of the author of this paper.

20 Ericson, “Where is the ‘Mormon’ in Mormon Studies?” 13.

21 Ericson, “Where is the ‘Mormon’ in Mormon Studies?” 6.

22 Ericson, “Where is the ‘Mormon’ in Mormon Studies?” 10.

23 Hugh Nibley, The Prophetic Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City and Provo: Deseret Book and FARMS, 1989), 55.

24 See Daniel C. Peterson, “Editor’s Introduction: An Unapologetic Apology for Apologetics,” FARMS Review 22/2 (2010): xii-xv.

25 Brian Hebblethwaite, In Defense of Christianity (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), 1.

26 On the corroborating witnesses to the gold plates, Richard Lloyd Anderson has long been the preeminent authority. See, for example, his classic Investigating the Book of Mormon Witnesses (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1981) and a number of his other substantial studies; also David Whitmer Interviews: A Restoration Witness, ed. Lyndon W. Cook (Orem, UT: Grandin, 1991), and John W. Welch and Larry E. Morris, eds., Oliver Cowdery: Scribe, Elder, Witness (Provo, UT: Neal A. Maxwell Institute for Religious Scholarship, Brigham Young University, 2006). As an example of writing about the plates themselves, see Kirk B. Henrichsen, “How Witnesses Described the ‘Gold Plates,’ ” Journal of Book of Mormon Studies 10/1 (2001): 16–21. There are numerous articles on ancient parallels to the Book of Mormon plates, among them William J. Hamblin, “Sacred Writing on Metal Plates in the Ancient Mediterranean,” FARMS Review 19/1 (2007): 37–54. For Christ’s resurrection, see any number of publications by such authors as Gary Habermas and William Lane Craig, as well as Stephen T. Davis, Risen Indeed: Making Sense of the Resurrection (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1993), and N. T. Wright, The Resurrection of the Son of God (Minneapolis: Fortress, 2003).

27 C. S. Lewis, “Learning in War-Time,” in The Weight of Glory and Other Addresses (New York: HarperCollins, 2001), 58.

28 1 Peter 3:15.

29 Not least of which is Faust’s meditation on John 1, which, he finally decides, should be rendered “In the beginning was the Deed” (Im Anfang war die Tat). See Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Faust, act 1, scene 3, lines 1210–37.

30 See Doctrine and Covenants 4:1–4, and note the clear missionary context of the passage. Compare Mark 12:28–31, which draws on Deuteronomy 6:4–9 and Leviticus 19:18.

31 1 Corinthians 12:14–21, NIV.

32 Lewis, “Learning in War-Time,” 54.

33 John 14:11.

34 Acts 2:22-32, NIV.

35 Acts 14:14-17.

36 Romans 1:18–20, NIV.

37 Psalm 19:1, NIV.

38 1 Corinthians 15:3–8, NIV.

39 Acts 17:17, NIV.

40 Acts 17:18-34.

41 Alma 30:31-35.

42 Alma 30:37-46.

43 Doctrine and Covenants 66:5, 7.

44 Doctrine and Covenants 68:1.

45 Doctrine and Covenants 49:4.

46 Doctrine and Covenants 71:7-10. One could argue that even God himself does not appear to disdain the use of reason with his children. See, for example, such passages as Doctrine and Covenants 45:10, 15; 50:10–12; 133:57; Isaiah 1:18.

47 Griffiths, xi.

48 Griffiths, xi.

49 Griffiths, xi-xii.

50 Griffiths, 1.

51 Griffiths, 3.

52 Then next few paragraphs depend essentially upon Griffiths, An Apology for Apologetics, 15-17.

53 The entire sixth chapter of Griffiths, An Apology for Apologetics, is devoted to laying out first a kind of model Buddhist position on this matter, followed by a model Christian position, and then, as a Christian believer, seeking to illustrate a way in which an apologetic encounter between representative Buddhist and Christian intellectuals might proceed. See Griffiths, 85-108.

54 Griffiths, 25-26.

55 Griffiths, 26.

56 Griffiths, 36.

57 Griffiths, 42.

The Gift and Power: Translating the Book of Mormon

Brant Gardner

I confess that I have been more afraid of doing this than I have any other presentation I have done and that’s because we’re talking about topics where you tend not to talk about we get someone embarrassed about the church we can talk about seer stones today. We don’t like to talk about seer stones. We like to talk about the Urim and Thummim and there is a good reason of why we talk about the Urim and Thummim but we try not to call the Urim and Thummim a seer stone it can sound so much more elegant if we call it the Urim and Thummim. So that’s kind of the problem and the basis that we are looking at.

What I want to talk about is the process of translating the Book of Mormon. Brother Brown started that process for us this morning and I was kind of encouraged by some of the questions because some of the questions that were asked of him are some of the ones that I really like to try and answer and that of course makes me nervous because what we really want to see if we can do is talk about how seer stones work and how you would translate with one and believe it or not we’re going to come up with the theory of how that’s going to work.

First what I am not talking about. Kind of have to being with that because as Scott had mentioned we had for a little while a book for sale out there and it’s becoming again at some point in time so this is a topic that I have written book about and there is no way that in this amount of time we’re going to be able to talk about everything that we try to cover in the book, so there is certain things that you can’t cover, one of the things that I didn’t put on the slide that is however very important. One of the things that I couldn’t cover the book and I am not going to cover now is a very important preliminary question to this entire issue of how was the Book of Mormon translated and that is that the question of how the Book of Mormon was translated is completely moot unless it was translated.

So the very first issue that we really ought to know about is can we say that the Book of Mormon was translated and neither here nor there in the book, well I actually address that. I start off in the book and I said no we’re just going to take that as given, so you have to take that as given right now. Now I will also tell you that it’s a given based on information that I have already researched and I have my reasons for having the security of knowing that the Book of Mormon is a translated ancient document. So I have seen the evidence it just not what we are going to talk about now. Now that we have a book that’s a translation what do we do with it? Well the kinds of things we are not going to do with it is I am not going to talk about the stories of translation. There is a lot of interesting things there, how is it that the seer stones became a Urim and Thummim, those are things that I am looking at in the book but again we are in a short period of time, we got to get to the fun stuff.

The next one I don’t want to spend too much time on but I do have to mention a little bit is what kind of translation was it. So we have the question of is it a translation that we are going to table for the moment but then the question becomes what kind of translation. For those of you read anything that people have talked about the nature of the translation of the Book of Mormon, there is all kinds of theories of what the relationship of our English text might have been to the text on the gold plates. One of the concepts is that it’s a literal word for word, very, very close translation.

For those of you familiar with work the Royal Skousen’s done, this is probably closest to what he would call an ironclad type, well actually it’s kind of back from that. He has this concept of an “ironclad translation” this is just absolutely dictated and absolutely controlled and he said that the evidence shows that’s not there. I would call that an inerrant translation and totally agree with him that the evidence is that we don’t have an inerrant, perfect, God-breathed translation, something else happened. What I found is as I was looking through the definitions of what kind of translation it might be I found that the scheme of that Skousen that come up with wasn’t particularly useful because what he defined as a “tight translation” that I would probably say is literal. His actual definition talked about the dictation not the translation and we really want to get to the translation. I want to talk about the relationship between the text in English to the text on the plates, not the text that Joseph spoke.

So what I am looking at is three different ways of translating that are all legitimately used modes of translation, each of which moves slightly farther away from its sourced text. So the literal one is the one that comes the closet to the source text. The functional translation is one that says I am following the text but the vocabulary will be slightly different and modify, the syntax might be modified so that somebody else would understand it. But in general that’s going to follow very closely without being a word for word literal translation.

And the last one a conceptual translation is one where you say, for instance, an idiom. I have to translate this idiom. What does it mean to be in hot water? If I translate that literally I am going to get it wrong. So I have to translate it in some way that conveys the information even though I am getting farther away from the words. And in some areas of a conceptual translation that might even drift a little bit farther away.

When I first started looking at the evidence to try and tell me what kind of translation we had in the Book of Mormon. My operating assumption based on everything that I had seen before was that I was pretty convinced from what I had seen that it was a functional translation. I started looking back through the data again and I started finding some things that told me it just wasn’t that simple. And you’ve heard brother Ricks talk about the names and the fact the names are authentic ancient names.  You know I have to agree with him. He is right. Not because I did the research, they did it and they showed it to me and I said “you guys are right”, those are authentic ancient names. That is not a functional translation. That one is pretty literal. And it’s literal and the connections are such that it’s non random so it’s not one where I could say you know it just so happened you came up with a word that was similar.

Linguists will tell you that there are about a 5% similarity between any two languages that are totally unrelated, where you could find a word in one language and a word in another language that really look the same and might even have the same meaning and the languages aren’t related at all. It just pure happen stance. There is only so many syllables we can pronounce and every once in a while somebody is going to put them together if you get enough languages together.

So one of the options might have been to say that some of these names were pure happenstance there is too many of them, the correlations are too tight. So for names there really is evidence, there is a literal translation. However it’s still the majority of the translation that the evidence that I have seen tells me that it’s more functional rather than literal. What that means is it’s going to follow the plate text but the vocabulary will be different. And one of the things we have to do as we start looking at how the book was translated is to come up with some sort of a theory that will say here is how was translated and here is why names are translated literally. Other things are functional and I’ve got at least two incidences where I think there is some conceptual translation of the Book of Mormon and I think we can talk about what triggered those and how those occurred as well.

All right. Let’s go into the more interesting stuff. What we really do want to talk about are those two questions. How do seer stones work and how do you translate with one? I have been in several conversations with people and I am sure you’ve asked yourself the same kind of thing. Do seer stones work? Really hard question to answer because unfortunately it’s the wrong question. Okay. Do seer stones work? If I really have to answer that question I have to say no, seer stones don’t work.

A seer stone is a rock. We have seer stones. The church still has them, I’ve seen them. At one point in time I remember going on the temple square and going through the museum there and I saw one and I looked at it and I saw a rock. I didn’t see the translation, I didn’t see anything else I saw a rock. I can pretty much guarantee you that the vast majority of us as we would look at that rock would see, a rock. That does not mean that something isn’t working because they were looking at the rock and that’s what we have to look at. What we will be looking at is the idea that this whole concept of the seer stone working “It’s the seer that’s working,” and it’s stone that becomes the trigger that allows the seer to do what the seer does. So that’s kind of step one and we will talk about how that happens.

Step two is once you know how a seer stone works, that isn’t necessarily telling us how you translate with one and so that’s the next question is how do you translate with the seer stone. All right. How do you see in a stone? I won’t read this one, you can read it. This is from a modern seer, a modern scryer. This is from a guy who actually wrote a book on how to see, how to scrye. That’s the word the people use for people who look in crystal balls or seer stones or any number of things. And as you can see there is a number of places where this particular quotation corresponds a lot to what we get for the descriptions of how Joseph Smith used the seer stone. He put them at the crown of his hat and stuck his head down in there.

Now for those people who think that he might have been reading something like a manuscript that he was hiding in the crown of his hat, how much light did he need? If you are putting your head down in the hat the purpose of that is to cut out light. I am going to have a real hard time seeing anything and the older I get the harder it’s getting for me to see if there isn’t enough light. So I am not getting light into my eyes, I am not seeing something and here is the secret of seer stones. Seer stones are used in ways that make it so you should not be able to see a thing. They create a contradiction in that the person explains what they are seeing at a time when they should not be able to see. And that happens with all of the instruments that they use for Scrying. So what you do with the seer stone? You stick in the hat. That wasn’t only way Joseph used it.

Another way that Joseph used it that we have a record he held it up to a candle. Think about what happens when you hold a seer stone up to a candle. You have this black dot in the middle and the corona of the light on the outside and you’re disrupting your vision. The Romans used to have a sword and they take the sword, the polished blade of the sword and they glint the sun of it and stare at the glint of the sun. Okay that blinds you. So you are not going to see correctly.

The ancient Americans used polished obsidian. They would have concave mirrors and would use polished obsidian. First of all you would see something in it but if it’s concave again something is disrupted there and so all though they were used as mirrors there is something else going on with the reflection that they are seeing. In the Salem witch trial they all began because there were girls who were trying to find out who they were going to marry and one of the ways is to do that was to see them by dropping an egg white into a glass of water. You stare through it and now that’s going to mess up your vision, so everything about seer stones says you are messing up your vision. Okay. Everything about seer stones also tells you that the seer saw. So now we’ve got a problem how do you see when you can’t see.

If we’re going to understand how seer stones work we have to understand a little bit about how the brain operates because these things are happening in a very human brain. Every prophet that I am aware of has been human no matter how divinely touched, no matter how extra and extraordinarily human they might have been. They had a brain and that brain functions in certain ways and in certain cases probably in ways that are slightly different but very similar to our own. One of the important things about vision is that we have to understand that vision does not occur in the eyes, vision occurs in the brain. Although light comes into the eyes we only see what is transmitted to the brain, and is only a very small part of the data that actually comes in through the eyes. Not only that but the brain is creating vision.

For those of you who know something about the optic nerve, at the very back of the eye you have an optic nerve and that optic bundle comes in and attaches to the back of the retina and it creates a blind spot where we cannot see anything. How many of you know exactly where your blind spot is and see it all the time? Nobody. That’s because the brain fills it in, the brain knows how to generate vision so that we see in a place in the brain where technically we can’t see. So the brain is capable of generating the image. We do not see because light takes a picture and somebody inside our brain looks at the picture. The brain creates the vision, sometimes we see less than what’s there.

There is a wonderful story about a group of psychologists that got together and they went in and took this test and they are all competing with each other to see who is going to do the best and so real simple one. They said what we want you to do is I want this group of people to account these three players in black as they pass the basketball around and I want you guys to watch the guys in white as they pass this basketball around and I want you to count how many times they pass the basketball.

So they go through this whole process and they finish it up and everybody is comparing and somebody is one off and they said at the end of this okay now “how many of you saw the gorilla?” And they said “what you mean.” Nobody saw a gorilla. So they played back the tape and in the middle of it the guy walks out in the gorilla suit stands there for one second, beats on his chest and walks off and nobody saw him. Because our brain interprets the information coming in and it saw that irrelevance that “you don’t need that I won’t show it to you.” How does that happen when you are seeing in the brain?

There are certain people that have a brain structure that sees a little bit differently than many of us do. They can see in pictures, I am not one of them. They have what they call an eidetic memory, some people have called a photographic memory and that’s not correct, that’s not what it means. But it does mean that people are able to have and hold in their mind a very detailed picture of something so that when they recall it they can bring up the picture and describe it. And they talk about these people saying when they describe this mental picture that they are seeing that their eyes will move like they are scanning the picture but it’s not there. One of the descriptions of one the man who had this capability, who had this fantastic memory and I am not suggesting the memory part but I am talking about the visual part.

Years able he was able to tell people, out of this grid of numbers, he could give the list down, across, diagonally. Somebody had written it down and tested them a couple of years later. Except for a number or two that were poorly written he got them all right and they said well how did you do that and he said simple I just call up the blackboard, I can see it and I read it off.  Now most of us can’t do that, but there are some people whose visual memory is sufficient that they can see a picture and they can read it. What I am suggesting is that when Joseph Smith uses a seer stone his vision is occluded but he sees in his brain a picture that allows him to describe it in detail that is much more vivid than the rest of us could. Anytime in the pre scientific world when they don’t know how he does this would say that the seer stones made it happen.

Close your eyes and I think you’ve had a pet cat or a pet dog, take a look at the back of your eyeballs and kind of figure out where the spots are, what kind of shape the ears were. Can you do that? The answer is, sure we all can. We can call up an image that we can look at and it’s not particularly vivid in many cases but if somebody says “what shape beagles ears?” You call up the picture of a beagle and start looking at it and then describe it. Okay. So we take this memory of things that we have seen and we store it and we can reverse the process and create a picture when there is nothing coming into our eyes, so the brain can generate an image.

How many of you dreamed last night? Yeah we all do but remembered it or not, right. In your dreams how many of you actually saw action happening. Now some people are good they can dream in color. I have no idea whether I dream in color or not because I am partially color blind, I don’t even seen in color but what happens is you see things happening, I see stories occurring. My eyes are pretty closed about that time but I am seeing something because vision occurs in the brain. So once we know that you can you reverse that process and instead of light coming into the eyes to generate vision we can have something in the brain that will generate vision that we can see when we cannot see, that’s how seer stones work. They all work on the principle that everybody knows who sees that process that you can’t see through your eyes. So what you are describing and seeing has to come through some other means and depending on what culture you are in and when you are there they’ll have different explanation for how that happens. It was the gods, the spirits, it’s something extra and that mechanism is what starts the process for understanding how Joseph is going to use the seer stone.

Now we have had people who have been scrying and using these methods for thousands of years in every culture around the world. This idea that you would see in a stone or see in a blade or see in a blot of ink or a polished thumbnail, all of those things are recorded and they happen in multiple cultures and people know they see these things. It’s not going to be that widespread if it doesn’t happen. This is human nature we’re talking about.

Now we can also know that it’s not normal because people see these and they know that they can’t do it but somebody else does. So that process is there. Regardless of that, none of them have translated the Book of Mormon, just one. If you take away Mosiah translating the plates we have only Joseph Smith whoever translated with that method. Go to Mosiah we got two. So if nobody else has translated how do you translate?

Now we have to talk about language. Where does language come from? One of the questions that was asked earlier of Brother Brown is can you think without language? Amazingly we have a hard time understanding that we can think without language. The problem is we all do, we all think prior to language. One of the things that Steven Pinker that I am quoting up here mention he said “everyone of us have had the experience of saying oh that wasn’t what I meant to say, we’ve said something but whatever came out of mouth wasn’t what we intended.” Which means that there has to be a meant to say before it meant and it just come out of our mouth and I would suggest that in many cases there is meaning that occurs prior to the time that we can express it.

Think of the number of times that people have had spiritual experiences and they know they’ve had them and the burning has been there and it’s been filling their soul and they try to explain it and words fail. That doesn’t mean they didn’t experience it, that doesn’t mean it wasn’t real. It means that there is comprehension and understanding that surpasses language and they haven’t been able to translate it. So we have something that occurs before language is generated and in his terms Pinker calls it “mentalese” say this is how we think, we think in this pre language subset.

Now one of the other things that’s fascinating is that as you see how the brain works that a lot of what we think occurs below the level of consciousness. So that what will happen is somebody will say, “what was the word for that?” And you go “if you hadn’t asked, I would have known. I know the answer to that, come back at about an hour or two and it will come.” And then what happens as you forget about it and a hour or two later all of a sudden you remember. Everybody has done this. That’s because the brain keeps working on this thing in the background and doesn’t tell us about it. It just keeps going, figures it out, puts everything together and goes up to the top and it says Eureka I’ve got it! Because there are all kinds of things that occur prior to the level that we are conscious of them and one of things he is talking about here is this idea of priming and they found out that there are people that will actually recognize sentences that they have not read because they contain words or concepts that they have read.

So we have a brain that is designed to interact with language and produces language but language is not its native storage mechanism, it generates language. Put those things together, how is Joseph Smith ever going to translate? How many of you have been reasonably fluent in more than one language? We should get a whole bunch of foreign missionaries here and a whole bunch of other people that have done it. Now how many of you who are not reasonably fluent with another language have struggled with the dictionary to translate. Okay. For those of you who are reasonably fluent and have trouble struggle with the dictionary you know the difference between those two.

If I am struggling with the dictionary I really don’t know that language and I am dealing with it on a word by word basis, if I know the language I am not even thinking about. I remember one time when I was on a mission they asked me to translate for this one sister we had she was French and our zone conference were in English. And so I was supposed to translate the English into Spanish so that she could hear it in Spanish so that if she needed it she might translate in French which she knew Spanish well enough so she didn’t have to go through that process. But you know when you are translating something live you don’t have a time to think and so that word is this word and I should do it this way and you are concentrating on getting the information across. That’s called translation, but it isn’t translation where you say this word is that word.

Something occurs in your brain that is located in the concept of meaning and you take that meaning and express it in language. How did Joseph Smith translate? First of all did he translate? That’s the question I say we had to pause it because there is no way to demonstrate that other than to take The Book of Mormon and go through it and say is that an authentic ancient record? The answer, I believe, is yes. So therefore he translated. How did he do it? Where do all this information come from.

The only explanation I can give you is the God gave it to him in pure understanding, and that pure understanding goes into his brain in the way that we store pure understanding. It goes into the brain in “mentalese.” How is it then expressed in language? It is expressed in language in the same way that we express “mentalese” is. Into our language through the vocabulary, the sentence structures, the idioms to which we have access, based on our education. So how is it that the Book of Mormon contains revival language? It’s part and parcel of Joseph’s brain, part of his language. As soon as that’s the meaning he is looking for those words come out.

How many of you have ever used a cliché? How many of know that you shouldn’t and do it anyway? Because I come out of your mouth whether you care about it or not? Even if you don’t want to use them they pop out because we have these phrases burned in our brain. They are part of our language and we hit the meaning and we pop them out we don’t even know what the heck we said. Because that language, that meaning triggers that string and we are going to pop out that whole strings. So how does Joseph get that language? It is part and parcel of his brain. Of course he is going to do it that way. But the understanding comes from that which God gave him.

We need to start pulling whole bunch of things together here. Andrew Lang was kind of an interesting anthropologist at the end of the 1800, 1900s. He got interested in this whole idea of scrying and people seeing and stones and crystal balls and all of that. So he bought a crystal ball and in a very unscientific experiment he took his crystal ball and he handed a bunch of his friends and asked them what they saw. A whole bunch of them looked at the crystal ball and didn’t see a darn thing. One of the things he said is you know if you look into a crystal ball he said if you try three or four times and you never see pictures you never going to sorry it just isn’t going to work for you.

He said however several of his friends without any prompting, without being told what was supposed to happen would look into this thing and they would see pictures, so it was working. The one that was really fascinating was the young girl. He gave it to this young girl, the young girl looked at it and what she saw was a paper with writing on it that was so real to her that she turned the ball over to see the paper on the other side. Okay. Now how did she see the paper? Brain created it. What is that have to do with Joseph Smith? Well in the discussion that Brother Brown was doing this morning we were talking about Joseph’s translation the papyrus of John. Several of the descriptions that we have of how Joseph translated talk about him seeing words on Parchment. Where did they come from? Same places the girl saw the paper. How does he see something on paper? The brain generates it. Where do the words come from? Well the “mentalese” translates them, he gets language, the language is translated into something that he reads and he sees the words that he dictates to the scribe.

So people say well did Joseph Smith read the translation? All the evidence says yes. Absolutely he saw it. The question then is if he saw it did he translate? Absolutely the same way I translate from two different languages if I know them well, I understand it and I say it. He understood it and he gave it to us and we have it in his language therefore in his translation. So yes he saw a translation, yes he translated.

Here is the last thing that I was trying to do. What we’ve just been talking about and how does the seer stone work and how do you translate with seer stone. I actually toyed with the idea of reading two chapters and I figured that will put you all to asleep after dinner. So we didn’t do that, but that’s the information and there is a final chapter that says now that we have a theory for how Joseph Smith translated is that a productive theory? Can we use that theory to begin to explain the facets of the Book of Mormon that we see? Can we answer questions and let me do two of them for you?

Let’s start with the hypothesis that the majority of the translation is a functional translation. One that, although it is an authentic translation of an ancient document may not have the precise words that were on the document. I am guessing that there is a very large majority of people here who have not read Allen Christenson translation to the Popol Vuh. I don’t know why you haven’t. The Popol Vuh for those who might not know is a Quiché document. Quiché is sufficiently different language that they use language in ways that don’t translate very neatly into English and so what Allen Christenson did was something absolutely wonderful for people like me that really want to get into this he gave us two translations. He gave us a functional translation, he gave us a literal translation. You read the literal translation you go what and then you read his other translation in nice smooth English and if you go between the two you can tell that he is telling the same story and getting the same information but the sentences are dramatically different.

The Quiché sentences are much smaller, tighter and demonstrate a completely different understanding of literature and how would you turn a phrase, what the meaning might be and they are both translations. The majority of the Book of Mormon reads like a functional translation. It’s nice and it’s smooth. Let’s say that it was some language like Quiché, doesn’t read like that at all, it reads like English. It reads like the King James Bible. Why does it read like King James Bible? The native language to Joseph of course that’s what he is going to produce, it was scripture. Any time he produced scripture and it sounded like King James Bible because that’s a scripture was supposed to sound like.

Again information comes into the brain, comes out. Why functional? Because the “mentalese” that we use to store information is designed to handle the gist and not the words. It comes into a brain that is created in such a way that what we understand is meaning, not specific vocabulary. So of course he’s got meaning and of course in the translation of that meaning it’s going to come out and whatever words Joseph Smith has to be able to communicate that meaning. I suspect that a scholar of a different language might translate it different way. Brigham Young said that if someone other than Joseph  were to translate the Book of Mormon he has no doubt that it would be materially different than the translations we have. Of course it was in Joseph’s words, it was what he knew.

Now that tells us why the majority of it was that way and I will confess that when I first started working on the project I was pretty convinced that Joseph only translated one way and I had to come up with an answer to how he translated. Then I started looking at the data and the data proved me wrong, data are funny things like that. And we have the names well if everything is functional how do you get a name? A name is a very different kind of animal and is stored in different structures in the brain. Names are not nouns, they are proper nouns and we remember them that way. In fact they are just finding out that there is now a cluster of things that all fire together and if we think of a particular person we think of this whole set of things. But still the name is a specific thing so when that fires it is qualitatively different in the brain storage mechanism than these meanings because it is a name not a description. And so why is it that we get this literal translation of names that we can go from that name back to the subject? It’s the way names are stored. It’s not surprising at all that’s how we’re going to get that information.

So far I have been able to go through questions about the translation and apply that theory in concept in ways that begin to answer facets of the text. That doesn’t say that it’s proof. When we were talking about someone in the message boards one of the brilliant anti Mormons said “you mean you’ve got these great theory that you can’t prove.” Yeah, you just can’t prove historical theory, it just doesn’t work. You can find out if it’s productive and if it does something, if it answers the questions, but there is no way to prove this. The only person who really could have told us how he did it was Joseph Smith and I suspect that he did not understand fully how he did it either. But he did know one very, very important thing. He knew that he did not do it alone. So that when he was asked how he did it, the only competent answer he could give was that it was through the gift and power of God and that is what we really need to know. Thank you.

Joseph the Seer—or Why Did He Translate With a Rock in His Hat?

Brant A. Gardner

Two pictures:

[To the left] The manner of translation was as wonderful as the discovery. By putting his finger on one of the characters and imploring divine aid, then looking through the Urim and Thummim, he would see the import written in plain English on a screen placed before him. After delivering this to his emanuensi,[sic] he would again proceed in the same manner and obtain the meaning of the next character, and so on till he came to the part of the plates which were sealed up.1

Truman Coe, Presbyterian Minister living among the Saints in Kirtland, 1836

[To the right] I cheerfully certify that I was familiar with the manner of Joseph Smith’s translating the book of Mormon. He translated the most of it at my Father’s house. And I often sat by and saw and heard them translate and write for hours together. Joseph never had a curtain drawn between him and his scribe while he was translating. He would place the director in his hat, and then place his [face in his] hat, so as to exclude the light, and then [read] to his scribe the words as they appeared before him.2

Elizabeth Ann Whitmer Cowdery, Oliver Cowdery’s wife, 1870

These two descriptions of Joseph Smith translating the golden plates paint radically different pictures of the same event. It easy to accept the finger-on-the-plates translation, but the rock-in-the-hat feels completely foreign. Nevertheless, it is a much better attested description of the process than the first.

Why do we have both of these pictures if the second better fits the majority of descriptions? To answer that question, there are two stories that must be told: first–why would anyone think of translating with a rock in a hat?–and second–why we are so surprised at that?

Why Do You Look At Rocks in Your Hat?

When the English left their villages and emigrated to the New World, they brought their customs and beliefs with them. Along with the hopeful, the adventurers, and the farmers,-—cunning men and wise women disembarked in the New World.3 To be a cunning man or a wise woman was to play a well defined and important role in pre-industrial villages. Keith Thomas, retired Professor of Modern History at Oxford University, wrote what has become the principle history of folk magic in England from the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries. He tells how, in the villages, contemporary medicine drove people to the cunning men and wise women who understood herbs. The lack of local police forces made the community depend on cunning folk to find lost or stolen goods.4 These village specialists performed such important functions that Thomas notes that the community was “likely to believe that the cunning folk were taught by God, or that they were helped by angels, or even that they possessed some divinity of their own. The common people, wrote Thomas Cooper, assumed that the power of these wizards came by ‘some extraordinary gift of God’.”5

The cunning men and women exhibited their extraordinary talents in many ways, but there is one that provides the backdrop against which young Joseph Smith is more clearly defined. He belonged to a class of cunning men whose specialty was scrying, or seeing the hidden. It was a specialty with a very long and almost universal history.6 Anthropologist Andrew Lang, writing in 1905, describes the tools of their trade:

Not only is the plain crystal, or its congener the black stone, used, together with its first cousin the mirror, and the primitive substitute of water, but almost any bright object seems to have been employed at one time or another. Thus we find the sword among the Romans; and in mediaeval Europe polished iron . . . lamp-black is sometimes smeared on the hand, or. . . a pool of ink poured into it; visions are seen in smoke and flame, in black boxes, in jugs, and on white paper. . . .7

All of these methods sound strange to our modern ears, but they were not only accepted but revered for most of human history. By the time we find scryers or seers in England between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries, their tools were often stones and their functions had evolved into two general forms; seeing a hidden future, and seeing the hidden location of things that were lost (or the thief who made them get “lost”). The conservative nature of such practices dictated that when the traditions of the cunning men and wise women are found in the Palmyra area of the 1820s they still performed their traditional functions of telling fortunes and seeing things that were lost, hidden, or stolen.8

Young Joseph Smith was a member of a specialized sub-community with ties to these very old and very respected practices, though by the early 1800s they were respected only by a marginalized segment of society. He exhibited a talent parallel to others in similar communities. Even in Palmyra he was not unique. In D. Michael Quinn’s words: “Until the Book of Mormon thrust young Smith into prominence, Palmyra’s most notable seer was Sally Chase, who used a greenish-colored stone. William Stafford also had a seer stone, and Joshua Stafford had a ‘peepstone which looked like white marble and had a hole through the center.'”9 Richard Bushman adds Chauncy Hart, and an unnamed man in Susquehanna County, both of whom had stones with which they found lost objects.10

There are some reminiscences that tell us how the village seers operated before modern history either forgot or dismissed them.. Lorenzo and Benjamin Saunders gave interviews in 1884 remembering their dealings with the Palmyra seer, Sally Chase. Lorenzo reported:

I tell you when a man willme that anyone can get a stone, & see knowledge of futurity, I say that he is a liar & the truth is not in him. Steve Mungou lost his pocket book in the road with some $50 in money in it. He went right to Sally Chase to get her to look & see where it was; She went & looked. He was drawing wood out of the woods. She said that pocket book lays right at the side off a log in the woods where you loaded that wood. It lays right at the side of the log well we went & hunted & raked the ground over where she said but could not find it. It past along & finally one night got a paper from Canadagua [Canandaigua, New York], & in it was that a pocket book was found & taken to an old Ontario Bank[.] Took it there & the owner could come & describe his book. And he went & found his pocket book at the bank. I lost [a] drag tooth out of my drag, dragging on my brothers premises there; I says: Sally, tell me where is that drag tooth? She told me “it lays in a log heap.” She says I think it lays a little past you will find it.

I went & hunted & hunted but could not find it there. I afterwards found it away over in one corner of the field.11

Benjamin provided a similar story: “My oldest Brother had some Cattle stray away. She claimed she could see them but they were found right in the opposite direction from where she said they were.”12 These accounts portray the way Sally Chase functioned in the community. When things were lost, you went to the seer who consulted her seer stone and described how to find the lost item. The Saunders brothers could have been describing events from an English village of over a hundred years earlier. In the brief descriptions that have survived, we know that Lorenzo consulted her at least twice himself, once to find the drag tooth and once to find lost cattle. He also tells us of another client, Steve Mungou. Both brothers, however, found it necessary to append that, of course, Sally was mistaken in the location she gave, a qualification that apparently didn’t stop them from consulting her again.

Joseph Smith, long before golden plates complicated his position as a local seer, appears to have functioned just as Sally Chase did. Quinn reports that: “E. W. Vanderhoof [writing in 1905] remembered that his Dutch grandfather once paid Smith seventy-five cents to look into his ‘whitish, glossy, and opaque’ stone to locate a stolen mare. The grandfather soon ‘recovered his beast, which Joe said was somewhere on the lake shore and [was] about to be run over to Canada.’ Vanderhoof groused that ‘anybody could have told him that, as it was invariably the way a horse thief would take to dispose of a stolen animal in those days.'”13 While Vanderhoof reported a positive result of the consultation, it is interesting that his statement includes a qualifier that has the same intent as those added by the Saunders’ brothers. By the end of the century, one wouldn’t want to actually credit a village seer when describing their activities. Nevertheless, it isn’t the effectiveness that is important—it is the nature of the consultation. Sally Chase’s clients consulted her to find things which were lost, and Joseph Smith had at least one client who did the same.

The social expectations of the village seer also explain two contradictory statements about what Joseph Smith did as a village seer. The first statement comes from Henry Harris in 1833: “Joseph Smith, Jr. the pretended Prophet, used to pretend to tell fortunes; he had a stone which he used to put in his hat, by means of which he professed to tell people’s fortunes.”14 Compare that statement to a story Lorenzo Saunders told to Edmund L. Kelley during his 1884 interview:

We went to Smiths one day, it was a rainy day; We went into the old mans shop, he was a cooper, and the old man had a shirt on it was the raggedest & dirtyest shirt, and all full of holes. & we got Jo. Smith to look & tell us what color our Girls hair was. well you see by & by some of them says go to Jo. says he Jo. come look into futurity & tell us how it is there? Jo. says I can not do that, I can not look into futurity I can not look into anything that is holy. The old man stood there and says: “I guess he can not look into my shirt then.15

Both Henry Harris and Lorenzo Saunders expected that Joseph Smith told fortunes. Of course they would have that expectation, because everyone knew that was one of the typical functions of the seer. However, where Harris may simply be repeating the assumption, Saunders describes what happened when he asked Joseph to act on that assumption. At least in this case, Joseph refused. The fact that the joke in the account depends upon young Joseph’s comment about not looking at that which is Holy and his father’s holey shirt suggests that this was a remembered incident and that Joseph Smith, Jr. actually had refused. I suspect that the refusal tells us about the spheres in which Joseph believed that particular talent operated. That refusal suggests Joseph made a distinction between that which was holy (which I believe he classified as religion) and his other functions (which I believe he classified as a talent).

What the modern world tends to know about the village seers is the result of only one of the ways in which their talents were put to use. Since they could see that which was hidden, local seers became involved in the mania of digging for lost treasure. As with the other functions of the cunning men and wise women, the idea of digging for treasure traced its roots to England, including much of the accompanying lore. In England, the semi-scientific root of treasure seeking was the habit of the wealthy burying their goods for safe-keeping in the absence of a deposit banking system.16 In the New World, the plausible explanation was based on the riches reputedly buried by Spaniards or pirates. It is probable that everyone could cite cases of people who had struck it rich through their digging, though none of them had, nor anyone they personally knew.17

In English tradition, seers were invited to assist the diggers in locating the buried goods. As Thomas explains: “There was not necessarily anything magical about the search for treasure as such, but in practice the assistance of a conjurer or wizard was very frequently invoked. This was partly because it was thought that special divining tools might help, such as the ‘Mosaical Rods’ for which many contemporary formulae survive.”18

It is therefore no surprise that we see the Palmyra seers engaged in the local mania for treasure digging. As with the English practice, however, it is important to note that money-digging didn’t require the seer. They were simply seen as useful. Note the relationship of the diggers to their guides in this series of descriptions Ronald W. Walker compiled:

The adepts often played a major role in money digging. The two men who in 1827 sought neatly boxed Spanish dollars below the old pier at New London, Connecticut, were directed by an elderly wise woman. Seeking pirate treasure in Maine, three men imported from Connecticut, a “far-famed and wonderfully skillful rodsman” to assist them. In turn, treasure-hungry farmers of Rose, New York, sought the help of a “medium,” while the 1825 expedition to the Susquehanna hills began with a “peeper” named Odle, whose power of “seeing underground” piqued William Hale’s interest. Moreover, the longtime diggers around Bristol, Vermont, made use of expert advice. They consulted a series of “prophets,” including two women, an “old Frenchman” east of the mountains, and finally a conjuror who promised that by removing a few rocks and “shunning the solid ledge” the long-sought cave might be entered.19

This places an important context around the best-known case of Joseph Smith, Junior’s participation in treasure-digging. Josiah Stowell, Sr., believed that he had found a lost Spanish silver mine and had his hired hands dig for it in 1825. When they were unable to find it, he hired Joseph Smith, Jr. to help them find what they had dug for and missed.20 This incident was the reason that in 1826, Stowell’s wife’s nephew took Joseph to court as a “disorderly person,” a term that was then defined in such a way that we might consider it a case of fraud.21 Presumably, Peter Bridgeman believed that Joseph had defrauded his uncle because he used a seer stone. This would not be the last time that Joseph’s activities with a seer stone were described as fraud. In terms coined only later, Joseph would be accused of being a “confidence man.”22 One of Joseph Smith’s biographers, Dan Vogel, picks up and continues this theme. As Vogel describes the reason why one might see Joseph as a con man, he also provides the information that allows us to see the important ways in which that label is a distortion of the actual historical situation:

A typical confidence scheme in Smith’s time involved a transient who entered an area that was known for its tales of lost treasures and the charlatan’s magical powers could be put to good advantage. Using a “peep” stone or mineral rod, he would lead the credulous to a remote spot where he had previously deposited a few coins and was able to impress them by “finding” the coins. In the ensuing excitement, he would ask to be paid for his services or, more boldly, suggest that a company be established and that shares be sold. Thereupon, he would disappear with the money. On the other hand, he might string the people along by leading them to subsequent spots, then offer magical explanations for the failure to locate or secure the treasure. For instance, he might tell them that the treasure was protected by an evil spirit or that they had not precisely followed the magical formula he had given them. Eventually he would suggest that the undertaking be abandoned, whereupon he would slip out of town with the money.23

The implication is that since Joseph used a peep stone, he must be seen in the same category as those who ran a scam with one. Clearly the 1826 court appearance tells us that some contemporaries considered him in that category. However, although the evidence is complex, it appears that Joseph was acquitted of the charge at that time.24 Should he also be redeemed from the continuing charges?

Undoubtedly there were those who preyed upon the folk beliefs of the too-trusting rural communities. However, the fact that the communities would be willing to follow the confidence scheme simply tells us that there was an existing belief system in which seer stones were considered effective and acceptable. The confidence men played off inherited traditions. Nevertheless, the fact that there are dishonest pretenders in any profession does not suggest that the entire profession is designed for dishonesty. Scams were run concerning seer stones not because seer stones were novel, but precisely because they were a traditional and respected method of finding that which was hidden.

There are two critical differences between the con men and the village seers. First, the charlatans were transients and the village seers were residential. The second is that the con man elicited money for his talents, and the village seers were consulted. We have at least three descriptions of how Joseph related to his clients, including Josiah Stowell, and in each case the client came to him with their problem.25 The con men created the scam for money and left so they would not have to deal with the consequences. The true village seers were part of the community, and remained so through success and failure. Their clients came to them because of a cumulative reputation. Against the records of a few scam artists we have the long tradition of village seers stretching back to England and covering hundreds of years of respectable service in their communities.

It is this traditional context of a finder of lost things, a see-er of the unseen, that explains how rocks in the hat figure in to the story of Joseph Smith and the translation of the Book of Mormon. The plates were accompanied by the Nephite Interpreters, which were two stones set in a silver bow.26 These stones appear to have functioned in a way Joseph understood from his experience with a seer stone. Although he began translation with the Nephite Interpreters, the record indicates that he changed to using his own seer stone. Why put the stone in a hat to translate? That part of the picture is easy. That was how such a stone was used. For Joseph’s community, that aspect was not unusual at all.27

Why translate with a stone? The conceptual link in Joseph’s mind would have been that he had been able to see that which was hidden, and the meaning of the script on the plates was certainly hidden to understanding. Nevertheless, this wasn’t a simple transition from seer to translator, even for Joseph. Joseph’s talent was for the mundane, but his gift was for the Holy. Joseph understood the difference between the two when Benjamin Saunders wanted him to see into futurity. Joseph understood that when he was asked to translate, he was being asked to do something very different from what village seers did. He was being asked to do something very different from what learned men did (2 Ne. 27:15-18).

Joseph learned from his community how to operate as a village seer, but he didn’t begin to understand how to be God’s seer until Moroni appeared to him. He did not fully make that transition until the sacred interpreters helped him move from finding lost objects to finding a lost people and lost gospel. Then, having learned to see that which was Holy, Joseph never returned to the mundane functions of the village seer. Eventually, he learned that he could use a seer stone just as well as the Interpreters. Only when he learned to see that which was Holy could he translate–and then it didn’t matter the lens through which he saw.

It is at this point that some might wonder if I believe that all seers saw things in their seer stones. I believe that seers believed that that they saw things in their seer stones. Do I believe that the seer stone prepared Joseph to translate?28 Only in that it allowed him to believe that he had a God-given talent that could be used for the purpose. Nothing in the world view of the seers prepared him for translating. He didn’t originally believe that his secular stones could translate, only the sacred interpreters. Even later when he learned that he could also translate through his own seer stone, he consistently said that the translation was done through the gift and power of God, not through any kind of rock. He knew that no other village seer could do it; he knew that he could not do it, save God alone intervened. Translating the plates was beyond the realm of the village seer and firmly and exclusively in the realm of God’s Seer.

Why Are We Surprised that Joseph Used a Rock in His Hat to Translate?

If we can find a context in which Joseph translating with a seer stone makes sense, why do we have to look so hard to find it? Why isn’t it as natural for us as it was for Joseph? That story also requires that we delve into history; in this case, the history of the interconnections between what we understand to be religion and what we understand to be magic.

Judeo-Christian religion shared the cultural cradle of the ancient Middle East. Dr. Shawna Dolansky, Assistant Professor of Religious Studies at Northeastern University, notes: “Evidence from ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia suggests that the dichotomy between magic and religion that is the starting point for many discussions of magic by contemporary scholars was not necessarily evident in biblical times. The fact is, in these civilizations that were contemporary with biblical Israel, magic and religion were only beginning to be differentiated. Evidence especially from Mesopotamia shows that this dichotomy is not an inherent one, but one that gradually develops over a period of time and is intimately tied to increasing social complexity.”29

Many of the Old Testament stories that we accept as religion have much in common with magical practices. They are difficult to separate because their differentiation depended not upon the things that were done, but the way those things were perceived. Sarah Iles Johnston, professor of Greek and Latin at Ohio State University explains:

The modern scholarly quest to establish a division between magic and religion does have some roots in antiquity, insofar as both ancient and modern discussions hinge on terminology: what one chooses to call any particular activity (and, it follows, who is doing the choosing) determines whether the activity is understood as acceptable or discredited, pious or blasphemous, religion or magic. In antiquity, magic (a term that I use as a shorthand way of referring to a variety of ancient Mediterranean words) almost always referred to someone else’s religious practices; it was a term that distanced those practices from the norm–that is, from one’s own practices, which constituted religion.30

Stated simply, “what I do is religion, what you do is magic.”31

Although it is difficult to see without close examination, the Old Testament exhibits this internal/external dichotomy between religion and magic. On the one hand, it is clearly antagonistic to people who perform certain acts. For example, we find in Exodus 22:18 the verse that underlay so many later tragedies: “Thou shalt not suffer a witch to live.” Deuteronomy 18:10-12 provides a list of magical practices that should be avoided: “There shall not be found among you any one that maketh his son or his daughter to pass through the fire, or that useth divination, or an observer of times, or an enchanter, or a witch, or a charmer, or a consulter with familiar spirits, or a wizard, or a necromancer. For all that do these things are an abomination unto the Lord.”

In spite of these obvious prohibitions, Dolansky notes that when you examine the nature of the practices, it isn’t the magic but the magician that is the problem. She concludes that “magic in the Hebrew Bible refers to the mediation of divine power; and in the hands of priests and prophets it is perfectly legal.”32 It is not the act, but the actor that creates the separation between religion and magic.33 David Frankfurter, Professor of Religious Studies and History at the University of New Hampshire, notes that: “people in their own cultural systems use such descriptive labels for political, sectarian, or simply taxonomic reasons, even with little reality behind the labels. Practically any practice, that is, might be labeled ‘magical’ or ‘sorcery’ under certain conditions.”34

Because these terms and concepts were socially constructed, they played an important role when social relationships changed. The division between religion and magic that affected Joseph Smith’s world (and which is perpetuated in ours), followed the tremendous social disruption of the Protestant Reformation and the Age of Enlightenment. As the Western world emerged from the Middle Ages, the Catholic Church had become the sole repository of answers to questions about how the world worked. As the Church had grown and conquered new territories, it often incorporated local religious practices into its own doctrines and understandings. In particular, local concepts of sacred space and sacred ritual often retained their sacrality while nominally moving from pagan to Christian spheres.35 The Protestant Reformation changed the definition of what was to be considered religion and what was deemed magic, and with that change, triggered massive social realignments—first in England and later in the Americas.

Where the Catholic tradition had accepted all types of sacred place and practice, the Reformation severely limited both. In redefining religion, it labeled as magic many of the aspects of Catholic sacred space and ritual.36 Richard Bushman has noted that “The Enlightenment drained Christianity of its belief in the miraculous, except for Bible miracles. Everything else was attributed to ignorant credulity.”37 Nevertheless, Jon Butler of the Department of History at Yale University points out:

By traditional accounts, magic and occultism died out in the eighteenth century: the rise of enlightenment philosophy, skepticism, and experimental science, the spread of evangelical Christianity, the continuing opposition from English Protestant denominations, the rise in literacy associated with Christian catechizing, and the cultural, economic, and political maturation of the colonies simply destroyed the occult practice and belief of the previous century in both Europe and America. Yet significant evidence suggests that the folklorization of magic occurred as much in America as in England. As in England, colonial magic and occultism did not so much disappear everywhere as they disappeared among certain social classes and became confined to poorer, more marginal segments of early American society.38

It is precisely this folklorization that created the social dichotomy in practices that were accepted by, in Butler’s terms, the more marginal segments of early American society. This separation with parallel persistence is what anthropologist Robert Redfield of the University of Chicago called a Little and Great Tradition. He explained:

Let us begin with a recognition, long present in discussions of civilizations, of the difference between a great tradition and a little tradition. . . In a civilization there is a great tradition of the reflective few, and there is a little tradition of the largely unreflective many. The great tradition is cultivated in schools or temples; the little tradition works itself out and keeps itself going in the lives of the unlettered in their village communities. The tradition of the philosopher, theologian, and literary man is a tradition consciously cultivated and handed down; that of the little people is for the most part taken for granted and not submitted to much scrutiny or considered refinement and improvement.39

Although some aspects of Redfield’s separation of the traditions have been criticized,40 the basic idea of the two separate but interrelated aspects of religion in a culture has great explanatory power. Irving Hexham, professor of Religion at the University of Calgary, describes the complex modern religious history of Korea in terms of the intertwining of a Little and Great Tradition:

When a Great Tradition is in decline its Little Tradition can continue with a vigorous religious life until another Great Tradition seeks to impose its beliefs as the religion of the people. This situation of religious change is well illustrated by the course of religious history in Korea, where the shamanism of the Silla kings was officially replaced by Buddhism. But with the decline of Buddhism and the imposition of Confucian rituals by the Yi Dynasty shamanism once more emerged as the enduring Little Tradition. Later in the nineteenth century when Confucianism declined, Christianity entered Korea and shamanism once more reasserted its traditional role.41

It is this ability to persist parallel to and intertwined with the Great Tradition that tells us how the social complex of the cunning men and wise women not only crossed the ocean from England, but formed a vibrant part of a defined segment of American society. The duality of traditions also explains the mutual antagonism between them. As competing explanations of reality, the two are uneasy bedfellows at best and feuding relatives at worst. D. Michael Quinn noted this division in approaches to the Little and Great Traditions: “Early Americans who did not share the magic world view condemned such beliefs and practices as irrational and anti-religious, but intelligent and religious Americans who perceived reality from a magic view regarded such beliefs and practices as both rational and religious.”42

Almost by definition, we perceive history through the eyes of the Great Tradition; the tradition with the greater social and economic standing and the tradition with greater ability to create a written legacy through the Enlightenment’s association with education. The Great Tradition writes the history that colors our perception of the Little Tradition. In the case of what we call magic, the anti-magical stance of the Great Tradition makes the folk magic Little Tradition an embarrassment. Andrew Lang, a British anthropologist of the last generation, provides a fascinating example of what happens when the Great Tradition expectation meets the Little Tradition reality: “‘I am glad to say my people are not superstitious,’ said a worthy Welsh clergyman to a friend of mine, a good folklorist, now, alas, no more, and went on to explain that there were no ghosts in the parish. His joy was damped, it is true, half-an-hour later, when his guest inquired of the school children which of them could tell him where a bwggan was to be seen, and found there was not a child in the school but could put him on the track of one.”43

The disdain of the Great Tradition for the Little Tradition is evident in an account of a trial for fraud, held in Kent, England, in 1850: “The defendant, who had the appearance of an agricultural labourer, resided at Rolvenden, where he enjoyed the reputation of being ‘a cunning man’, able to cure diseases, to explain dreams, to foretell events, to tell fortunes, and to recover lost property. He was resorted to as a wizard by the people of miles around, principally by the ignorant, but also by parties who might have been expected to know better.”44 The facts of the case are that many in the community consulted this cunning man. Of course, they had to have been ignorant folk. Nevertheless, there were some who didn’t appear so ignorant, although even they–should have known better.

Alan Taylor, a fellow at the Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, Virginia, and an assistant professor at the College of William and Mary, explains the chasm between the Great and Little Tradition by focusing on Martin Harris:

[Martin Harris] was an honest, hard-working, astute man honored by his townsmen with substantial posts as fence-viewer and overseer of highways but never with the most prestigious offices: selectman, moderator, or assemblyman. In the previous generation in rural towns like Palmyra substantial farmers like Harris would have reaped the highest status and most prestigious offices. But Harris lived in the midst of explosive cultural change as the capitalist market and its social relationships rode improved internal transportation into the most remote corners of the American countryside. The agents of that change were the newly arrived lawyers, printers, merchants, and respectable ministers who clustered in villages and formed a new elite committed to “improving” their towns and their humbler neighbors. The village elites belonged to a new self-conscious “middle class,” simultaneously committed to commercial expansion and moral reform. Because of their superior contacts with and knowledge of the wider world, the new village elites reaped higher standing and prestigious posts from their awed neighbors.

Utterly self-confident in their superior rationality and access to urban ideas, the village elites disdained rural folk notions as ignorant, if not vicious, superstitions that obstructed commercial and moral “improvement.” Through ridicule and denunciation, the village middle class aggressively practiced a sort of cultural imperialism that challenged the folk beliefs held by farmers like Martin Harris. Harris’s material prosperity was comparable to the village elite’s but, because of his hard physical labor and limited education, culturally he shared more with hardscrabble families like the Smiths. A village lawyer needed only scan Harris’s gray homespun attire and large stiff hat to conclude that a farmer had come to town.45

We should not expect that because the Little Tradition is associated with the less educated that they were therefore simple or naÔve. Martin Harris might have been a participant and believer in the Little Tradition, but that doesn’t mean that he threw caution to the wind. The new elite might have seen Martin Harris as an ignorant and credulous farmer, but he would have seen himself as a cautious believer. His credulity allowed for true seers, but his caution told him that there were charlatans abroad. He pointedly told Joseph: “I said, Joseph, you know my doctrine, that cursed is every one that putteth his trust in man, and maketh flesh his arm; and we know that the devil is to have great power in the latter days to deceive if possible the very elect; and I don’t know that you are one of the elect. Now you must not blame me for not taking your word.”46

To resolve his question of whether or not he should support the Book of Mormon, Martin tested Joseph. When a pin Martin was using to pick his teeth fell into straw around his feet, he first attempted to find it. Not succeeding, he asked Joseph to use his seer stone to find the pin. Joseph did, bolstering Martin’s confidence that Joseph had the talent he professed.47 I find it particularly apt that the nature of the test was to find something lost. That is, of course, what a seer did.

Nevertheless, believing in Joseph as a true prophet and true seer had Martin straddling two traditions. The village seer belonged to the Little Tradition and a true prophet belonged the Great Tradition. Those in the Little Tradition understood that their quotidian practices were not religion (though they certainly didn’t consider them un-Christian). They even understood that their village practices were not respected by the Great Tradition. This is the reason that so many of those who participated in the Little Tradition attempted to separate themselves from it when they were later part of the Great Tradition, or when an interviewer from the Great Tradition asked about the old days. Richard Bushman demonstrates how this pressure affected the reminiscences of some of Joseph Smith’s neighbors:

The forces of eighteenth-century rationalism were never quite powerful enough to suppress the belief in supernatural powers aiding and opposing human enterprise. The educated representatives of enlightened thought, newspaper editors and ministers particularly, scoffed at the superstitions of common people without completely purging them. The scorn of the polite world put the Palmyra and Manchester money diggers in a dilemma. They dared not openly describe their resort to magic for fear of ridicule from the fashionably educated, and yet they could not overcome their fascination with the lore that seeped through to them from the past. Their embarrassment shows in the affidavits Hurlbut collected. William Stafford, who admitted participation in two “nocturnal excursions,” claimed he thought the idea visionary all along, but “being prompted by curiosity, I at length accepted of their invitations.” Peter Ingersoll made much more elaborate excuses. One time he went along became it was lunchtime, his oxen were eating, and he was at leisure. Secretly, though he claimed to be laughing up his sleeve: “This was rare sport for me.”48

Not only does understanding the Great and Little Traditions explain the antagonism we see in the Great Tradition histories, but the dual traditions also help explain one of the features or a Little Tradition religion when it is transformed into a Great Tradition religion. That shift in social acceptance and expectation triggers a responsive shift in the way the new religion sees itself and its history.

Morton Smith, a professor of History at Columbia University, examined this tendency in early Christianity, which began as a Little Tradition religion, but became a Great Tradition religion. Smith notes that the earliest forms of Christianity had a strong affinity with magical practices—practices that remain in descriptions of the healing miracles and turning water to wine. By the time of the gospels, however, that history was being written to remove references to magic. He concludes:

What evidence did the Christian tradition, as presented in the gospels, have in common with the picture of Jesus the magician? Since the authors of the gospels wished to defend Jesus against the charge of magic, we should expect them to minimize those elements of the tradition that ancient opinion. . . would take to be evidence for it, and to maximize those that could be used against it.

This expectation is, in the main, confirmed. The evangelists could not eliminate Jesus’ miracles because those were essential to their case, but John cut down the number of them, and Matthew and Luke got rid of the traces of physical means that Mark had incautiously preserved.49

The New Testament presented its message to, and participated in, a Great Tradition that Morton Smith notes was: “hostile to magic.”50 So also did the modern Saints tell their story within and to a Great Tradition that was hostile to magic.

As the early saints transitioned from a collection of believers into a formal religion, they began to see themselves within the Great Tradition. As with early Christianity, the stories they told of themselves naturally were recast to distance themselves from their Little Tradition heritage and provide an acceptable Great Tradition history. One of the obvious places to see this process in action is with the tools of the translation. We all know that Joseph used the Urim and Thummim to translate the Book of Mormon—except he didn’t. The Book of Mormon mentions interpreters, but not the Urim and Thummim. It was the Book of Mormon interpreters which were given to Joseph with the plates. When Moroni took back the interpreters after the loss of the 116 manuscript pages, Joseph completed the translation with one of his seer stones. Until after the translation of the Book of Mormon, the Urim and Thummim belonged to the Bible and the Bible only.51 The Urim and Thummim became part of the story when it was presented within and to the Great Tradition. Eventually, even Joseph Smith used Urim and Thummim indiscriminately as labels generically representing either the Book of Mormon interpreters or the seer stone used during translation.52

The Urim and Thummim were traditionally divinatory rocks, but most importantly, they were biblically acceptable divinatory rocks.53 From the Great Tradition perspective, their presence in the Bible made them religion, not magic. I suspect that the two interpreters made a natural comparison to the two stones, one Urim and one Thummim, from the Bible. Calling the biblical divinatory tools “rocks” instead of Urim and Thummim seems to demean them. The reverse process, calling the interpreters and seer stones Urim and Thummim, places them in a more appropriate religious category where they belong because of the sacred use to which they were put in translating the Book of Mormon.

This recasting of history was a story the Saints told themselves as much as what they presented to the world. I doubt that there was any conscious attempt to reconcile their history with Great Tradition expectations, let alone any attempt at deception. It was simply the natural response to their self-definition as a religion rather than a folk belief. It was a story told in a way that they subliminally knew was appropriate for a Great Tradition religion. The new history did not deny the past or alter the facts, but recolored them with a new vocabulary.54

Why, then, are we so surprised to learn that Joseph translated with a rock in his hat? That is a Little Tradition description and we are now firmly in the Great Tradition. We share the Great Tradition antipathy to those elements of the Little Tradition. Time has made the gap even greater than it was in Joseph’s day. Why do we have the two pictures with which we began? The more accurate, but more uncomfortable picture is a Little Tradition image. The other is a Great Tradition image. We have both because we can tell the story from two different perspectives.

Regardless of the perspective from which we tell the story, the essential fact of the translation is unchanged. How was the Book of Mormon translated? As Joseph continually insisted, the only real answer, from any perspective, is that it was translated by the gift and power of God.

Notes

1 Truman Coe to Mr. Editor, Hudson Ohio Observer, August 11, 1836 cited in Dan Vogel, Early Mormon Documents, 5 vols. (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1998), 1:47.

2 Elizabeth Ann Whitmer Cowdery, “Elizabeth Ann Whitmer Cowdery Affidavit, 15 February 1870,” in Early Mormon Documents, ed. Dan Vogel, 5 vols. (Salt Lake City, UT: Signature Books, 1870), 5:260.

3 Catherine L. Albanese, A Republic of Mind and Spirit: A Cultural History of American Metaphysical Religion (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007), 68. Also Jon Butler, Awash in a Sea of Faith: Christianizing the American People (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992), 67.

4 Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1971), 649-50.

5 Ibid., 266.

6 Deanna J. Conway, Crystal Enchantments: A Complete Guide to Stones and Their Magical Properties (Berkeley. Calif.: The Crossing Press, 1999), 291-3.

7 Andrew Lang, Crystal Gazing: Its History and Practice, with a Discussion of the Evidence for Telepathic Scrying (New York: Dodge Publishing Company, 1905), 32.

8 For the practices, see Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, 656. Herbert Passin and John W. Bennett, “Changing Agricultural Magic in Southern Illinois: A Systematic Analysis of Folk-Urban Transition,” (reprint of a 1943 article) in The Study of Folklore, edited by Alan Dunces (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1965), 316-17, discuss agricultural magic in an Illinois town as collected in 1939, when the practices were beginning to fade. They note that they were practices that followed the Old English pattern.

9 D. Michael Quinn, Early Mormonism and the Magic World View (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1987), 38.

10 Richard L. Bushman, Joseph Smith and the Beginnings of Mormonism (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1984), 70.

11 Lorenzo Saunders, “Lorenzo Saunders Interview, 12 November 1884,” in Early Mormon Documents, ed. Dan Vogel, 5 vols. (Salt Lake City, UT: Signature Books, 1884), 2:154-55.

12 Benjamin Saunders, “Benjamin Saunders Interview, Circa September 1884,” in Early Mormon Documents, ed. Dan Vogel, 5 vols. (Salt Lake City, UT: Signature Books, 1884), 2:139.

13 Quinn, Early Mormonism and the Magic World View, 39.

14 Henry Harris, “Henry Harris Statement, Circa 1833,” in Early Mormon Documents, ed. Dan Vogel, 5 vols. (Salt Lake City, UT: Signature Books, 1833), 2:75.

15 Lorenzo Saunders, interviewed by E. L Kelley, 12 November 1884, “Miscellany,” E. L. Kelley Papers, RLDS Church Library-Archives, Independence, Missouri, p. 11, in Early Mormon Documents, ed. Dan Vogel, 5 vols. (Salt Lake City, UT: Signature Books, 1833), 2:155.

16 Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, 234.

17 Ronald W. Walker, “The Persisting Idea of American Treasure Digging,” BYU Studies, 24, no. 4 (Fall 1984):433, notes: “The reality of actual treasure finds hardly explains the power and tenacity of the reassure myth “Finds’ were never commensurate with actual digging and were more a matter of accidental discovery than conscious magical enterprise. Even the discovery of mines, allegedly the most successful of the diggers’ pursuits, evoked skepticism and lacked documented results.”

18 Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, 236.

19 Walker, “The Persisting Idea of American Treasure Hunting,” 439-40.

20 Richard L. Bushman, Joseph Smith: Rough Stone Rolling (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2005), 48.

21 Bruce A. Van Orden, “Joseph Smith’s Developmental Years, 1823-29 (JS ñ H 50-67),” In Studies in Scripture, Vol. 2: The Pearl of Great Price, edited by Robert L. Millet and Kent P. Jackson, (Salt Lake City: Randall Book, 1985),373.

22 Dale R. Broadhurst, “Joseph Smith: Nineteenth Century Con Man?” accessed July 2009 from http://sidneyrigdon.com/criddle/Smith-ConMan.htm, provides a long and nicely documented piece that clearly argues that Joseph Smith was precisely a con man, and was described as one. That he would have been seen as a con man by the writers from the Great Tradition is certainly understandable (see later in this paper). However, seem from inside his own social and economic class, the term is unwarranted and inaccurate. It is a historically accurate misrepresentation, but a misrepresentation nonetheless.

23 Vogel, Joseph Smith: The Making of a Prophet, xiv.

24 Previous records of what happened at the hearing have been supplemented by the discovery of court documents that have allowed a more complete legal analysis of the conclusions. The discussion of what happened at this hearing is beyond the scope of this papers. Sources to be consulted are: Marvin S. Hill, “Joseph Smith and the 1826 Trial: New Evidence and New Difficulties,” BYU Studies 12, no. 2 (1972):223-33, Gordon A. Madsen, “Joseph Smith’s 1826 Trial: The Legal Setting,” BYU Studies 30, no. 2 (1990):91-108, “Just the Facts: The 1826 Trial (Hearing) of Joseph Smith,” Accessed July 2009 from http://www.lightplanet.com/response/1826Trial/facts.html.

25 Vanderhoof’s grandfather came to Joseph to ask about the lost mare. Josiah Stowell came to Joseph to hire him to help find the silver mine. Martin Harris asks Joseph to find the pin he dropped in the straw (discussed below).

26 J. W. Peterson, “William Smith Interview with J W. Peterson and W. S.Pender, 1890,” in Early Mormon Documents, ed. Dan Vogel, 5 Vols., vol. 1 (Salt Lake City, UT: Signature Books, 09/03/23 1890), 508. A. W. Benton, “Mormonites,” Evangelical Magazine and Gospel Advocate 2:15 (April 9, 1840), 201, as quoted in Stephen D. Ricks, Joseph Smith’s Means and Methods of Translating the Book of Mormon (Provo, UT: Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies, 1986), 3.

27 “Palmyra Reflector, 1 February 1831,” in Early Mormon Documents, ed. Dan Vogel, 5 vols., (Salt Lake City, UT: Signature Books), 2:243, “‘Peep stones’ or pebbles, taken promiscuously from the brook or field, were placed in a hat or other situation excluded from light, when some wizzard or witch (for these performances were not confined to either sex) applied their eyes, and nearly starting [staring?] their [eye] balls from their sockets, declared they saw all the wonders of nature, including of course, ample stores of silver and gold.” Bracketed text retained from Vogel.

28 Mark Ashurst-McGee appears to see a developmental path from Joseph’s use of folk magic into his abilities as a prophet. Clearly there is a connection, but I seem to see a greater separation than he does. Mark Ashurst-McGee, A Pathway To Prophethood: Joseph Smith Junior As Rodsman, Village Seer, And Judeo-Christian Prophet, Master’s Thesis (Logan, Utah: Utah State University, 2000), iii, “For the most part, I present Joseph Smith’s divinatory development as he himself experienced it. Dowsing with a rod, seeing things in stones, and receiving heavenly revelations were as real to Smith as harvesting wheat. In order to understand his progression from rodsman to seer to prophet, one must first understand his worldview. The mental universe of early American water witches and village seers forms one of the historical and cultural contexts in which Joseph Smith developed his divinatory abilities.” Reacting specifically to this statement, my objection would be that Joseph Smith did not “develop his divinatory abilities,” but rather that they were bestowed upon him a s a gift from God, leveraging a talent he already had into the confidence to do what otherwise he would never have believed he could have done.
Alan Taylor also indicates a developmental path: Taylor, “Rediscovering the Context of Joseph Smith’s Treasure Seeking,” 21, “Indeed, I would argue that Joseph Smith, Jr.’s transition from treasure-seeker to Mormon prophet was natural, easy, and incremental and that it resulted from the dynamic interaction of two simultaneous struggles: first, of seekers grappling with supernatural beings after midnight in the hillsides, and, second, of seekers grappling with hostile rationalists in the village streets during the day.” Although these factors certainly contributed to the development of Joseph Smith the person, I do not see them as foundational for Joseph the Prophet. I see Moroni’s visit as creating a fundamental shift in his worldview, requiring that he relearn his place and reassign his talent to the Lord. It may not have been world-wrenching, but it still was dramatically different from the context of his daily life prior to that event.

29 Shawna Dolansky, Now You See It, Now You Don’t: Biblical Perspectives on the Relationship Between Magic and Religion (Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns, 2008), 21.

30 Sarah Iles Johnston, “Magic,” in Religions of the Ancient World: A Guide, ed. Sarah Iles Johnston (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2004), 140. Dolansky, Now You See It, Now You Don’t, 15, “In the case of the ancient world, it is difficult to find firm divisions between magical and religious activities until the time of classical Greece, and then those categories refer to social rather than substantive distinctions.”

31 Dolansky, Now You See It, Now You Don’t, 4: “The problem of differentiating between actions that are magical and those that are religious is important in the fields of anthropology and religious studies. Both magic and religion claim access to realms outside of ordinary reality and attempt to manipulate supernatural forces for desired outcomes in the natural world. Scholars have approached the categories of magic and religion from a variety of perspectives, distinguishing them on the basis of their techniques, social effects, and the status of their chief proponents. Some have suggested that there is no real difference, that the categories merely denote social conventions (“what I do is religion, what you do is magic”) and that the terms themselves should be dissolved altogether.

“The problem of defining magic has been a major portion of most LDS responses to the accusation that Joseph Smith participates in magic or the occult. In all cases, the problem is not with the facts, but with the connotations of the labels. See the following discussions of the use of the term “magic,” and to what it might apply: John Gee, “Abracadabra, Isaac and Jacob,” A review of “The Use of Egyptian Magical Papyri to Authenticate the Book of Abraham: A Critical Review” by Edward H. Ashment, FARMS Review, 7, no. 1, (1995): 47-67, John Gee, “Early Mormonism and the Magic World View, revised and enlarged edition,” A review of “Early Mormonism and the Magic World View, revised and enlarged edition” by D. Michael Quinn, FARMS Review, 12, no. 2, (2000):2-6, William J. Hamblin, “That Old Black Magic,” A review of “Early Mormonism and the Magic World View, revised and enlarged edition” by D. Michael Quinn, FARMS Review, : 12,no. 2 (2000 ): 3-9, Rhett S. James, “Writing History Must Not Be an Act of ‘Magic,'” A review of “Early Mormonism and the Magic World View, revised and enlarged edition” by D. Michael Quinn, FARMS Review, 12, no. 2 (2000):2-4.

32Dolansky, Now You See It, Now You Don’t, 99.

33 Ibid., 99-100.

34 David Frankfurter, “Dynamics of Ritual Expertise in Antiquity and Beyond: Towards a New Taxonomy of “Magicians”,” in Magic and Ritual in the Ancient World, ed. Paul Mirecki and Marvin Meyer (Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2001), 159.

35 Karen Louise Jolly, “Magic, Miracle, and Popular Practice in the Early Medieval West: Anglo-Saxon England,” in Religion, Science, and Magic: In Concert and in Conflict, ed. Jacob Neusner, Ernest S. Fredrichs and Paul Virgil McCracken Flesher (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989), 176, “Although there was conflict in early medieval society between the extremes of magic and religion–a product of the Christianizing process in which the converted and the church hierarchy redefined the acceptable and unacceptable–there were also gray areas of assimilation in which practices stemming from a similar outlook were transformed into something acceptable. The Christian Church, though openly countering magic with miracle, was not blind to this assimilation process as another means of conversion.

“The extremes of magic and religion or science, although well defined in most cultures, would necessarily have such gray areas between them, a product of the influences of change over time, as the acceptable and the unacceptable were redefined.”

36 Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, chapter 3, “The Impact of the Reformation,” provides extensive examples of the way in which this process moved through the Protestant rejection of Roman Catholicism. He concludes (75-76): “Protestantism thus presented itself as a deliberate attempt to take the magical elements out of religion, to eliminate the idea that the rituals of the church had about them a mechanical efficacy, and to abandon the effort to endow physical objects with supernatural qualities by special formulae of consecration and exorcism.”

37 Richard L. Bushman, Joseph Smith and the Beginnings of Mormonism, 7.

38 Butler, Awash in a Sea of Faith, 83

39 Robert Redfield, The Little Community and Peasant Society and Culture (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960, rpt 1989.), 41-42.

40 Edith Badone, “Introduction,” in Religious Orthodoxy and Popular Faith in European Society, ed. Edith Badone (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990), 6: “Redfield’s work is in the tradition of the “two-tiered” models of religion that Brown seeks to escape. Like the term popular religion itself, the great tradition-little tradition distinction has helped to perpetuate the misconception that popular religion is always rural, primitive, unreflective, and traditional, as opposed to the urban, civilized, intellectual, and modern religion of the elite.” Stanley Brandes, “Conclusion: Reflections on the Study of Religious Orthodoxy and Popular Faith in Europe,” in Religious Orthodoxy and Popular Faith in European Society, ed. Edith Badone (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990), 187: “Despite these theoretical advances, Redfield and his followers–like the evolutionists before them–implicitly denigrated the religion of the masses. Not only did they view popular religion as less reflective and creative–in other words, more reactive–than that of the elite but they also believed that popular religion lagged behind elite religion temporally; elite beliefs and practices of one century might be discovered among the peasantry of the next.”

41 Irving Hexham, “Modernity or Reaction in South Africa: The Case of Afrikaner Religion,” in Modernity and Religion: Papers Presented at the Consultation on Modernity and Religion Held at the University of British Columbia, Dec. 15-18, 1981, ed. William Nicholls (Waterloo, Ontario: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1988), 81.

42 Quinn, Early Mormonism and the Magic World View, 225.

43 Lang, Crystal Gazing, 1.

44 David Vincent, Literacy and Popular Culture: England 1750-1914, Cambridge Studies in Oral and Literate Culture, ed. Peter Burke and Ruth Finnegan, vol. 19 (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 172.

45 Alan Taylor, “Rediscovering the Context of Joseph Smith’s Treasure Seeking,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought, 19, no. 4 (Winter 1986):21. Internal references silently removed.

46 Martin Harris interview with Joel Tiffany, Tiffany’s Monthly, V , 169.

47 Ibid., 164.

48 Bushman, Joseph Smith and the Beginnings of Mormonism, 71-72.

49 Morton Smith, Jesus the Magician (New York: Barnes & Noble, 1978), 92.

50 Ibid., 146. As might be expected, Morton Smith’s presentation of Jesus as a magician is even more controversial than calling Joseph Smith a magician. John Gee, “‘An Obstacle to Deeper Understanding’.” Review of D. Michael Quinn, Early Mormonism and the Magic World View, revised and enlarged edition, in FARMS Review of Books, 12 no. 2 (2000):188 notes that Morton Smith’s idea that there were itinerant Greek magicians has been discredited. Gee does note (p. 186), “If Jesus can be seen in such a context [as a magician], why not Joseph Smith?”

51 J. V. Coombs, Religious Delusions: Studies of the False Faiths of To-Day (Cincinnati: The Standard Publishing Company, 1904), 61-62, “Dr. Wyl says that the name Urim and Thummim was first used by W. W. Phelps about the time of the publication of the Book of Commandments. This is ten years after Moroni’s visit. In the interim the work of translating is done by seer stones and stone spectacles! What a blessed thing it is that the more dignified instrument came soon enough to get into the second edition of the revelations, at the same time belated Moroni makes his advent!”

52 Richard Van Wagoner and Steve Walker, “Joseph Smith: ‘The Gift of Seeing'”, Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought vol. 15, no. 2 (Summer 1982):62, “These stones could not have been the Nephite interpreters, yet Joseph specifically calls them ‘Urim and Thummim.’ The most obvious explanation for such wording is that he used the term generically to include any device with the potential for ‘communicating light perfectly, and intelligence perfectly, through a principle that God has ordained for that purpose,’ as John Taylor would later put it.” See also Mark Ashurst-McGee, “Moroni as Angel and as Treasure Guardian,” FARMS Review 18, no. 1 (2006):42.

53 This is an intentional distillation of the tradition, which would never have accepted the crude designation of “rocks” for the tradition stones the Urim and Thummim represented. There is a long tradition that they were associated with the gems on the ephod. See Cornelis Van Dam, The Urim and Thummim: A Means of Revelation in Ancient Israel (Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbruans, 1997), 16-23, 27-31.

54 The saints themselves would not have perceived a great division in their participation in the two cultural spheres. For them, the transition was likely imperceptible, even though they began to see themselves from the perspective of the religion they had joined. Bill Hamblin notes that they never did label themselves with any of the terms that the Great Tradition would have used to describe their Little Tradition practices. William J. Hamblin, “That Old Black Magic,” Review of D. Michael Quinn, Early Mormonism and the Magic World View, revised and enlarged edition, in FARMS Review of Books 12 no. 2 (2000): 233, makes this point in reference to Quinn’s association of the terms with Joseph Smith and his peers: “Joseph Smith never called himself a magician, sorcerer, occultist, mystic, alchemist, kabbalist, necromancer, or wizard. He did not ’embrace’ this ‘self-definition.’ Nor did any of his followers.”

Mormon’s Editorial Method and Meta-Message

Brant A. Gardner

Mormon was charged with the task of keeping the plates of Nephi when he was 10 years old. He did not receive the records until he was 24, but he spent the next 50 to 60 years of his life writing on them, thinking about them, and eventually writing a book that condensed what he understood to be their most essential message. We cannot know when Mormon changed from chronicler to author, but we can reconstruct a plausible timeline.

In the 345th year after the birth of the Savior, Mormon removed at least some of the plates of Nephi from the hill Shim (Morm. 2:16-17). Mormon doesn’t tell us the extent of the plates he removed at this time, but it is improbable that they were the full set of the “plates of Nephi,” although he explicitly tells us that these were the very plates on which other record-keepers had written (see Morm. 2:18). At this time, he records that “upon [these] plates of Nephi I did make a full account of all the wickedness and abominations.” On these plates, Mormon is fulfilling his duties as national scribe. He has not yet begun what we know as the Book of Mormon.

We next see the full collection of plates in the 367th year1 when Mormon was 46. At that time he again retrieves plates from the hill Shim because the land is being overrun by the Lamanites (Morm. 4:23). The plausible scenario, then, has Mormon writing as a chronicler or regular record-keeper for twenty-two years on the large plates of Nephi. He could not compose his own book without access to the complete records from Shim–and he apparently did not acquire them until the 367th year.

For the next thirteen years, I suggest that he read and digested them, possibly taking notes and certainly preparing an outline or rough draft. He then began writing the work we have as our Book of Mormon at least by 379 (Morm. 5:5,9), when he was 58 years old, and continuing through early 385. He died somewhere after early AD 385 and before AD 391, by which time Moroni was writing.

Mormon’s Outline

Several clues in Mormon’s text bear evidence that he had at least created a full outline of his work before he began the task of committing it to the plates. Perhaps the most obvious evidence is the chapter headnotes which were physically written on the plates prior to the chapters they synopsize. The extant portion of the original manuscript preserves synoptic headnotes for Helaman and 3 Nephi,2 confirming that the 1830 edition’s headnotes were part of the translation and were not added in the preparation of the Printer’s manuscript when Joseph or Oliver could have created them from their reading of the original. As a representation of information from the plates, they indicate that Mormon wrote them prior to the chapters and therefore had to know the contents of the coming chapter before he began to write it.3

The majority of the headnotes are at the beginning of named books. In the small plates, they appear only at the beginning of 1 Nephi, 2 Nephi and Jacob. In Mormon’s editing of the large plates, they appear at the beginning of every book but Mosiah. A headnote’s absence there is understandable because the lost 116 pages apparently included at least the first chapter of Mosiah. I feel fairly safe in concluding that Mosiah would have had such a headnote, given Mormon’s consistency in the remainder of the books he edited.

In contrast, there are no headnotes for Mormon, Ether, or Moroni–three books he did not edit. Mormon’s consistency in adding these introductory headnotes to the books that he is editing suggests (and is corroborated by other types of internal evidence) that he had some clear plan of what he was going to include in each book he edited. When Mormon switches to his own record, it is no longer a part of the planned text and therefore does not have the synopsis in a headnote.

Although there is evidence for an outline, there is also evidence that Mormon did not simply copy a previously written text onto the plates. While he certainly copied the various sermons from his source material, in his own text he allowed himself to interact with the information he was writing. We often see Mormon divert from his outline on a tangent occasioned by thinking about the material he was writing. The evidence both for the asides and for the outline from which they diverged comes in the way he returns to his task. In order to reset his narrative to the outline, Mormon repeated at least the idea, and often much of the language, of the last part of the outline before the departure.

I had noticed this process in the text well before I had a name to identify it, which (thanks to David Bokovoy) I now have. Bokovoy relates the technique as it is known from the Old Testament: “Repetitive resumption refers to an editor’s return to an original narrative following a deliberate interlude. Old Testament writers accomplished this by repeating a key word or phrase that immediately preceded the textual interruption.”4

One example from Mormon is found in Alma chapter 17. In verse 13, Mormon tells us that when the sons of Mosiah came to the “borders of the land of the Lamanites, that they separated themselves and departed one from another.” Then Mormon diverts into a diatribe against the Lamanites and why the sons of Mosiah really needed to preach to them. When Mormon returns to his outlined narrative in verse 17, he says “Therefore they separated themselves one from another, and went forth among them. . .”

Also in Alma, we find a repetition that is much closer together:

56 And it came to pass that the curse was not taken off of Korihor; but he was cast out, and went about from house to house begging for his food.

57 Now the knowledge of what had happened unto Korihor was immediately published throughout all the land; yea, the proclamation was sent forth by the chief judge to all the people in the land, declaring unto those who had believed in the words of Korihor that they must speedily repent, lest the same judgments would come unto them. 58 And it came to pass that they were all convinced of the wickedness of Korihor; therefore they were all converted again unto the Lord; and this put an end to the iniquity after the manner of Korihor.

And Korihor did go about from house to house, begging food for his support. (Alma 30:56 – 58)

I intentionally recut the verses so the process would be clearer. Mormon followed his outline, which requires that we understand that Korihor is begging for food. This is the textual idea that will move the narrative from the story of Korihor to the story of the Zoramites. Mormon then decides to cover the repentance which follows the cursing, which is apparently an aside written during the transcription/writing on the plates. In order to return to his planned narrative, Mormon repeats the information about Korihor begging for his food, even though the original phrase wasn’t that far away in the text.

Where the Old Testament editors used this method to return to an original narrative after a deliberate interruption, Mormon used the technique to return to his outline after a spontaneous interruption.

Mormon’s Sources and the Construction of his Text

Book Names

How much of Mormon’s sources are preserved in his outline and text? Although based on indirect evidence, we can make some tentative suggestions of what features came from the source plates and which are Mormon’s own contributions. Mormon tells us that his main source is the “plates of Nephi.” The most obvious feature of the Book of Mormon is the text’s division into books carrying a man’s name. It is those book names themselves that tell us that they were original to the plates and were not the result of Mormon’s editing.

It doesn’t seem very difficult or interesting to see why book names change in the Book of Mormon. Nephi writes the book of Nephi. Jacob writes Jacob. Enos writes Enos. The book names change when there is a new prophet, right? Yes and no. Yes when we are speaking of most of the books that were part of the small plates of Nephi. No for the Book of Mormon that Mormon actually conceived and edited.

Our Book of Mormon is wonderful but it isn’t the book Mormon intended that we have. The material we have from Nephi to Words of Mormon were added to replace what we lost of Mormon’s work. Joseph Smith indicated that the lost 116 pages comprised the book of Lehi.5 Mormon’s work, as originally conceived, would have been:

  • Lehi
  • Mosiah
  • Alma
  • Helaman
  • Nephi (our 3 Nephi)6
  • Nephi (our 4 Nephi)
  • Mormon7

As with the holographic small plates, Mormon’s book clearly still has names of people associated with the books, but they don’t fit the pattern of name-of-author equals book-name. Many books contain the records of several important people:

  • Lehi: Contains the record of Lehi, Nephi, and unknown rulers until the reign of Mosiah. This covers a period of nearly 400 years.
  • Mosiah: Contains the record of Mosiah the first, Benjamin, Mosiah the second and Alma the Elder
  • Alma: Alma the Younger and Helaman the Elder
  • Helaman: Helaman the Younger and Nephi, son of Helaman the Younger

Clearly the book names do not change based on the writer or prophet associated with the book. On what principle do they change?

Important information comes from the transition between the book of Alma and the book of Helaman. The book of Alma contains the writings of Alma the Younger (but not his father) and Helaman. The book of Helaman starts with Helaman, son of Helaman. In Alma 63:11 we learn that the plates have been given to Helaman the Younger. In Helaman 2:2 we learn that Helaman the Younger is appointed to sit as chief judge. His father was not a sitting chief judge, although his grandfather (Alma the Younger) had been. Alma the Younger had relinquished the judge seat to devote his efforts to preaching the gospel. He had the records and took them with him. When his son, Helaman the Elder, received the plates, they were outside of the political line. When the new book begins with Helaman the Younger, it is a new book in the hands of a new lineage of sitting judges. This suggests the hypothesis that the change in book names is related to the shift in the ruling lines. Does the theory hold up?

The first book of the large plates was the book of Lehi. Nephi indicated that those plates contained “an account of the reign of the kings” (1 Nephi 9:4). After Nephi there were other kings who received the throne name of “Nephi” (Jacob 1:11), so we must suppose that the large plates contained the records of these “Nephies.” Even though we don’t have the 116 lost pages, we do know that the book of Lehi continued until the next named book, which is Mosiah. What happens between the book of Lehi and Mosiah? Omni 1:12-14 tells us that Mosiah flees the City of Nephi with the plates and becomes king in Zarahemla. He is a new king in a new place. He is the founder of a new dynasty and therefore begins a new book in his name.

The transition from the book of Mosiah to the book of Alma is another change in political lineage. The sons of Mosiah (son of Benjamin) refused the kingship and the monarchy is replaced by a system of judges. The book of Alma begins not with the first Alma, but with the first of the new line of rulers as Alma the Younger becomes the first chief judge. The political line doesn’t last long as Alma the Younger gives up the chief judge seat and dedicates himself to preaching (Alma 5:15-17). He took the record with him. His son, Helaman the Elder, continues to write in his father’s book.

The transition from the book of Alma to Helaman has already been noted as a change of political line as the records re-entered the hands of the sitting judge.

In the book of Helaman, the Gadianton robbers seize the government and the sitting Nephite chief judge, Nephi, the son of Helaman the Younger, flees and takes the record with him. As with Alma the Younger and Helaman the Elder, the record has moved out of the political line. By the time we arrive at 4 Nephi the record and the rulership have been reunited in the person of Nephi, son of Nephi. This is a change of both location and dynasty after the Gadianton usurpation and therefore represents a new book.

This leaves us with the shift from Helaman to 3 Nephi. The record is already out of the hands of ruling line and is kept by Nephi, son of Helaman. There is no indication that Nephi’s position in the government changes at the beginning of this record. This book change is an exception to the rule of changing dynasties. However, this book does not come from the large plates of Nephi, but takes its name from a different record. Mormon indicates that he takes this account from a separate, personal record of Nephi, son of Helaman (3 Nephi 5:8-10). Therefore, it is not named according to the rules governing names on the plates of Nephi.

The book names change because they change in Mormon’s source. When that source is the large plates of Nephi, which was the more political record, they change according to the possession of those plates by a newly seated ruler.

Chapter Divisions

Royal Skousen, a professor of linguistics and English language at Brigham Young University, studied the original dictated manuscript of the Book of Mormon and tells us: “Evidence suggests that as Joseph Smith was translating, he apparently saw some mark (or perhaps extra spacing) whenever a section ended, but was unable to see the text that followed. At such junctures, Joseph decided to refer to these endings as chapter breaks and told the scribe to write the word “chapter” at these places, but without specifying any number for the chapter since Joseph saw neither a number nor the word ‘chapter.'”8 Therefore, in the 1830 edition of the Book of Mormon, the chapters represented Mormon’s choices of where a break should occur in the text. We can examine those divisions to attempt to understand what textual events triggered a conceptual break in the Mormon’s mind. Of course, one of the important caveats of researching Mormon’s textual breaks is that we must return to the original 1830 chapters which represent those present on the plates. The 1879-1981 editions of the Book of Mormon follow new chapters assigned by Orson Pratt and do not represent Mormon’s original construction.9 Although elsewhere I have discussed the full set of reasons for changing chapters,10 I would like to highlight one that tells us more than just a reason for changing chapters.

Mormon makes a new chapter at the beginning of a newly inserted sermon from the source plates, or when an inserted sermon ends.11 Often, the text which ends the chapter will be marked with “Amen”. This process creates situations where the logic of the 1830 chapter divisions differs from modern expectations. In order to break at the switch from inserted speech to narrative, Mormon finds that he must place concluding narrative material at the beginning of the next chapter, or (in the case of a text that begins a chapter) introductory narrative material at the end of the previous chapter. For example, Alma 7 ends with a sermon. As Alma 8 opens we find text that a modern reader would consider a conclusion to the previous chapter.

For the modern reader, there is nothing about a sermon that particularly dictates a chapter change. In fact, when Orson Pratt recut the chapters in 1879, he often recut along the lines of modern understanding so that these tag-on narratives were reassigned to what a modern reader would consider an ending or beginning.

When Mormon breaks the chapters at the sermon boundaries rather than the event boundaries, it tells us two things. First, that he considers the sermon unit to be more important than the narrative. Second, it tells us that he is quoting (presumably faithfully) from his sources rather than creating the sermons. A modern novelist would be inventing both the linking narratives and the included sermons. Such a writer would see only a minimal distinction between event and sermon. Both are part of the “history,” and both are part of the same creative process.

Mormon’s process was different. He created the linking narratives based on his source texts; but the sermons are direct quotations. In a very real sense, Mormon is shifting sources, which he also marks by changing chapters. Inserted quotations tend to open and close chapters because he must consult the plates for that material; he can write the narrative from memory, perhaps checking an event or two. The sermons come directly from the plates. The history comes from Mormon’s understanding and interpretation of the plates.

Textual Flow Indicators

When Joseph Smith dictated the Book of Mormon he provided the words and indications for breaks between chapters and books. He did not provide any information for breaks between paragraphs and sentences. All of those important aspects of a modern text were added by John H. Gilbert, the compositor.12 When Gilbert read the text he clearly fixed on two verbal markers to begin new paragraphs.

It doesn’t take long looking through a facsimile of the 1830 edition of the Book of Mormon to see that “and it came to pass” is visually even more prevalent than in our modern version.13 We see “and it came to pass” (or a variant) at the beginning of 37 out of the 49 paragraphs in the 1830 edition’s chapter 1 of 1 Nephi (comprising chapters 1-5 in our current edition). However, the reason that it so frequently appears at the beginning of paragraphs is the very reason it exists at all. Intuitively, Gilbert recognized “and it came to pass,” and a companion, “and now,” as two verbal markers that govern textual flow. In an original without the modern conventions of punctuation, those functions were filled by other parts of the text. In this case, two verbal phrases.

“And now” serves as a ligature in event lists or simply a tool to move the narrative from topic to topic. The companion phrase “and it came to pass” is related to movement in time rather than concept. Where “and now” marks movement of ideas, “and it came to pass” describes sequences. The distinction between conceptual movement and movement in time is the reason that “and it came to pass,” a phrase that is used so often in the Book of Mormon, appears only thirteen times in 2 Nephi. Those thirteen occurrences are concentrated in chapters 4 and 5.

In contrast to its relatively sparse use in 2 Nephi, 1 Nephi uses the phrase 109 times.14 This difference results from the different nature of 1 Nephi and 2 Nephi, with 1 Nephi being more historical in focus. The two chapters of 2 Nephi with high concentrations of “and it came to pass” are precisely those that contain the historical data. Nephi also uses the combined phrase “and now it came to pass” (1 Ne. 16:1; 17:19, 48; 22:1; 2 Ne. 1:1) to mark the combination of a major change in topic as well as a different time.

While it is possible that Joseph Smith invented these two structural markers to substitute for his missing punctuation, it would be rather unusual in a world that was well accustomed to punctuation in written texts. Perhaps Joseph Smith rather randomly inserted the phrases based on his familiarity with the Bible. Although I am certain that the specific forms come from the Bible, I find it most interesting that this isn’t just a case of using words but rather correctly using the phrases for their function of controlling textual flow. The same Joseph Smith who regularly confused the grammar of the biblical Jacobean language he imitated, used these two markers flawlessly.

This proposed system of verbal markers as punctuation has a historical precedent in the New World. The recent translation of Maya glyphic writing provides corroboration of a very similar paired set of verbal markers. Maya texts use these two verbs to create sense on their written monuments. As described in the glyph dictionary put together by Michael D. Coe and Mark Van Stone, we have direct parallels to the Book of Mormon’s “and now” (or “and thus”) and “and it came to pass.”15

The Maya texts also use these verbs to indicate the flow of action. The glyph reading “it happens” corresponds in function to “and now” or “and thus” in the Book of Mormon text, with “it happened” being the functional equivalent of “and it came to pass.” Of course, I am not suggesting that the Maya influenced the Book of Mormon writing or that the Book of Mormon influenced the Maya. It does, however, provide a solid comparative foundation indicating that in a text without punctuation, textual flow may be directed with verbal markers. The Book of Mormon employs a function that is known from the appropriate antiquity and region.

Mormon’s Interaction with his Material

Apart from the structural information that tells us about how he created his masterwork, what evidence do we have that tells us what kind of historian he was? How faithful was Mormon to his sources? Gently laying aside the issue of his obvious inspiration, how careful was he when he related history?

The way Mormon treats inserted speeches suggests a great respect for them. The conceptual breaks after inserted sermons strongly suggests that they are copied from the plates, and we must assume that he intended to reproduce them faithfully. When Mormon is not quoting, but creating his own linking narrative, how faithful is he then to his sources? How much like a modern historian was he?

The answer is that he is hardly like a modern historian at all, but much more like the historians of antiquity in his relationship to his source material. Mormon’s purposes were didactive, not reconstructive. He told a moral story, where the moral was more important that the facts. Mormon often manipulated his facts into the moral story he was telling, and at times (he or perhaps the original plate author) simply invented “history” when the story required it and neither he, nor the original plate author, could not have known it.

When Mormon tells the story of the people of Zeniff, he begins by quoting King Zeniff’s entire record. Then, when he begins Noah’s story, he switches from quotation to narration. I hypothesize that this was a necessary shift because the source material for Noah’s reign could not have been as pejorative as Mormon painted Noah.

From the beginning, Noah is a nasty fellow. Mormon’s descriptions of Noah are so effective that modern readers immediately dislike him. While Mormon certainly had reasons for his dislike, they came from his reading of the sources and do not reflect the attitude of the sources themselves. The court record of the sitting king Noah could not have been so negative. If we read between the lines of Mormon’s description, it is easy to see that Noah presided over a period of economic growth and expansion. His people probably thought they were quite well off under Noah. They were probably not complaining, at least not much. It is Mormon who saw a larger picture and repainted his Noah to be rotten from the beginning of the story, even though Mormon’s sources could not have said that directly. In this case, Mormon is interpreting history rather than staying faithful to his sources.

Mormon’s manipulation of his material is also probable in the first book of Alma where we have the story of Nehor. As with Noah, Mormon makes sure that we do not like Nehor. Of course, again there is reason. However, as with Noah, some people were quite enamored with Nehor. Mormon never tells that part of the story.

Even more than Mormon’s coloration of Nehor, however, is the fact that Mormon names an entire religious movement after him. The evidence indicates that the facets of the religion that Nehor preached were precisely those found in the court of Noah long before we see Nehor on the scene. Nehor was not the earliest practitioner nor even the most infamous. The text’s very next story emphasizes the rift create by the Nehorite Amlici; clearly a much more serious social disruption.

I suggest that Mormon intentionally named that religion for a murderer because he wanted to clearly link it with an unsavory connotation. I strongly suspect that it was called by some other name in the source plates and that the identification of “order of the Nehors” is Mormon’s label written long after the fact.

At times, Mormon must tell us “history” that no one could have known. For example, Mormon tells the story of Limhi’s people escaping from the Lamanites and moving people and animals into the wilderness. Although they were pursued, Mosiah 22: 16 confidently tells us: “And after they had pursued the two days, they could no longer follow their tracks; therefore they were lost in the wilderness.” Peering back through time to what can be known of this situation, it is likely that Limhi’s people would be aware that they were being followed for two days and that thereafter they were not. However, when Mormon tells us that it was because the Lamanites could no longer find their tracks, he is telling us something that his sources could not know. The Limhites would not have known whether or not their tracks were visible, and certainly wouldn’t have known what was in the Lamanite mind when they cut off pursuit. It is equally likely that the Lamanites realized that it simply wasn’t worth the effort, as the Lamanites were in possession of a fully functioning city into which they could easily move their own people and begin to be productive.

Similarly, early in the book of Alma the Nephites beat back an invasion by Lamanites which supported Amlici’s internal rebellion. Mormon describes the aftermath of the battle:

36 And they fled before the Nephites towards the wilderness which was west and north, away beyond the borders of the land; and the Nephites did pursue them with their might, and did slay them.

37 Yea, they were met on every hand, and slain and driven, until they were scattered on the west, and on the north, until they had reached the wilderness, which was called Hermounts; and it was that part of the wilderness which was infested by wild and ravenous beasts.

38 And it came to pass that many died in the wilderness of their wounds, and were devoured by those beasts and also the vultures of the air; and their bones have been found, and have been heaped up on the earth. (Alma 2:36 – 38)

We can comfortably accept the historical information that the Nephites were victorious and drove the Lamanites out of their land. However, the final description is the interesting one. Mormon suggests that the Lamanites were lost in the wilderness and had been attached by wild animals. His evidence is that “their bones have been found.” The fact that they found bones and not bodies is also probable history. However, that the bones were of those particular Lamanites is most likely an invention after the fact, a historical “just-so” story made to fit the available facts.

Does any of this mean that Mormon was less than a prophet? Absolutely not. What it means is that his understanding of his task was appropriately ancient. He wrote with the historical sensibilities of the ancient world, which necessarily saw all events as they fit into and supported their religious understanding.

Mormon’s meta-message

Mormon’s recasting of events into a moral history is the most important key to understanding why he thought that the text he wrote would convince “the Jew and the Gentile that Jesus is the [Messiah], the Eternal God.” (Yes, I know I exchanged Messiah for Christ, but it important to Mormon’s argument). While it is true that Mormon copied great sermons explicating the Messiah’s doctrine, doctrine was not the reason he thought that his book would be convincing. Mormon did not write to convince us that the Messiah’s doctrine is true, but rather that Jesus is the Messiah.

The best place to see how Mormon used his whole text to convince us that Jesus is the Messiah is in 4 Nephi. The book of 4 Nephi has become one of my favorite books because it is so absolutely unique in Mormon’s work. I call it the “Seinfeld book,” because it is a book about nothing. Every other book we have received from Mormon’s hand was filled with important events and long speeches clarifying important gospel principles. 4 Nephi has none of this. Where Mormon’s typical editorial method was to string together large quotations from his source material with a minimalist linking text, 4 Nephi has no identifiable quotations from his source plates. 4 Nephi is Mormon’s intentional book about nothing. In the very absence of content, it reveals how Mormon expected that the entire structure of his opus would convince us that Jesus is the Messiah.

Mormon’s use of his sources in 4 Nephi

Mormon begins 4 Nephi with historical description that has very little information.

And it came to pass in the thirty and sixth year, the people were all converted unto the Lord, upon all the face of the land, both Nephites and Lamanites, and there were no contentions and disputations among them, and every man did deal justly one with another. (4 Ne. 1:2)

This verse says something very important, but notice how. Only two years after the Messiah’s visit to the people assembled in Bountiful, “the people were all converted to the Lord.” This conversion is so complete that it included both Nephites and Lamanites. It was so effective that there was no enemy against whom to have wars and even inside this new Nephite society there were “no contentions and disputations. . . and every man did deal justly one with another.”

We would love to know how they did that. We would love to know what kinds of sermons were given to a people this righteous. Mormon tells us nothing. He gives us the gross outlines that are as historically satisfying as “they lived happily ever after.”

Was it true that everyone was converted? We must take Mormon at his word, but must also understand that when Mormon indicated “all the land,” that it must have been a significantly limited geography. This description of absolute unity and harmony in “all the land” is accomplished in only two years. Beginning with the surviving population of a single city, this new socio-political order had to spread from person to person from that center point to other locations. How far could this new understanding have traveled in two years? Without attempting to answer, it is sufficient to know that in two years it had to have been a limited area. Mormon gives us no indication of how limited it was. In fact, Mormon really doesn’t care. In 4 Nephi it is the generalization that is important, not the historical fact.

This can be seen as Mormon moves to what appears to be more historical description of the new order in the very next verse:

And they had all things common among them; therefore there were not rich and poor, bond and free, but they were all made free, and partakers of the heavenly gift. (4 Ne. 1:3)

Mormon reprises information from the end of 3 Nephi, where he had noted: “And they [the twelve] taught, and did minister one to another; and they had all things common among them, every man dealing justly, one with another” (3 Ne. 26:19). The similarity of language suggests intentional repetition. It provides reassurance that cultural values continued but provides no other new information. It is certainly information, but structural repetition serves notice that it is empty information. It links the new order with its cause, the appearance of the Messiah, but it says nothing new.

Now we examine another place where Mormon appears to give us details that are really more empty information:

And they were married, and given in marriage, and were blessed according to the multitude of the promises which the Lord had made unto them. (4 Ne. 1:11)

Nephites had been marrying and being given in marriage since the beginning of their society. There was nothing unusual in marriage. In fact, Mormon puts the statement here precisely because it is normal–a continuation of normal life during these pseudo-millennialistic years.

The next verse continues this display of empty information:

And they did not walk any more after the performances and ordinances of the law of Moses; but they did walk after the commandments which they had received from their Lord and their God, continuing in fasting and prayer, and in meeting together oft both to pray and to hear the word of the Lord. (4 Ne. 1:12)

Like the passage about marriage, these verses are nearly non-information. Mormon has already recorded Jesus’s explanation that he had fulfilled the law of Moses (3 Ne. 9:17, 15:4-6) and that Nephite religious observances now came from his gospel (3 Ne. 15:9-10). Thus, this passage is not only repetitious but inconsequential. It tells us nothing new. This event is not specific to the time period, reinforcing the hypothesis that, in 4 Nephi, Mormon is only marking empty time; the few events he mentions are non-specific. Structure, not episodes, carries the message.

Mormon’s use of time in 4 Nephi

Mormon even structures time in 4 Nephi to communicate his message rather than to relate history. In the following two verses we have obvious time, and obviously little else:

And thus did the thirty and eighth year pass away, and also the thirty and ninth, and forty and first, and the forty and second, yea, even until forty and nine years had passed away, and also the fifty and first, and the fifty and second; yea, and even until fifty and nine years had passed away. (4 Ne. 1:6)

And it came to pass that the seventy and first year passed away, and also the seventy and second year, yea, and in fine, till the seventy and ninth year had passed away; yea, even an hundred years had passed away, and the disciples of Jesus, whom he had chosen, had all gone to the paradise of God, save it were the three who should tarry; and there were other disciples ordained in their stead; and also many of that generation had passed away. (4 Ne. 1:14)

In each verse Mormon has repeated a series of years where nothing happens. Even with the information tagged on to the end of verse 14, the only information is that everyone connected to the appearance of the Messiah has died save the three disciples. As with the earlier statements, this is empty information. Nevertheless, what is interesting isn’t the empty information but the empty years. Mormon has had marked empty years before, but never so many in sequence. What is most fascinating is that these sets of empty years repeat the very same sequence of non-information.

  • 41, 42, 49
  • 51, 52, 59
  • 71, 72, 79

This repeating pattern occurs 3 times in 4 Nephi and never anywhere else in the Book of Mormon. The triple repetition confirms that it is not random and not associated with Mormon’s source text. Mormon is telling us something. Actually, he is telling us nothing. Intentionally and markedly.

I hypothesize that he names years for which there are no events to signal that these empty years are placeholders in a pattern. He has moved from “real time” into “symbolic time,” or from history into story. The repetition of seven-year gaps (42-49, 52-59) suggests that he is deliberately using the spacing symbolically, likely to mark a “week of years.”

In addition to this overt marking of time, Mormon divides his entire 4 Nephi “history” into four blocks of approximately one hundred years. Although events constrain that pattern, he molds that history into his pattern. Four hundred years is a very significant number in the Mesoamerican calendar. Just as we accumulate years into decades and centuries, the Mesoamericans accumulated their years into larger groupings. One of the most important was a grouping of four hundred years, known as a baktun. Because Mesoamerica based its mathematics and calendar on twenty as the basic unit (rather than our system of ten), the salient division of the baktun that Mormon would be using was the culturally significant four, not the modern preference for one hundred. He would not have had a collective unit of years that equaled one hundred but would have spoken of the fourth part of a baktun.

Mormon summarized the first one hundred years in verses 1-13 and the second in verses 14-21. Verse 22 begins precisely with the two hundredth year. Mormon does not deal with specific history in these first two hundred years, so the correspondences are close. Nothing datable happens in the first two hundred years. Each of the hundred-year sections is treated as a block, and the “events” are generic. In fact, the “events” of the second hundred years nearly repeat the “events” of the idyllic first hundred years. It is important to Mormon that the effects of the Messiah’s visit last for a complete two hundred years. No degeneration occurs until the 201st year (v. 22).

It is the very anomaly of this book about nothing that tells us that Mormon had an important purpose for it. Rather, there is little purpose in this book except to highlight his overall purpose, which is to “convince… the Jew and Gentile that Jesus is the [Messiah], the Eternal God.” (Title Page).

When we look as how Mormon has handled time in his overall text, we find the following:

  • The book of Lehi covered about four hundred years of Nephite history.
  • The book of Mosiah covers about a hundred years, a drastic slowing of narrative time.
  • The book of Alma covers even less time–about thirty-five years–while Helaman covers approximately forty-eight years.
  • The next book, 3 Nephi, describes the Messiah’s coming, and covers about thirty-five years with 57 percent of its fifty-six pages detailing two days of Christ’s visit.
  • Then the book of 4 Nephi speeds through four hundred years in forty-nine verses.

Mormon structurally uses time to emphasize the important part of his text. After the Messiah’s visitation, Mormon greatly accelerates the narrative pace, using summary, overview, and generalization much more extensively. The next time he provides details corresponding to those in his other books is in his eponymous book. All of 4 Nephi is simply a placeholder between the appearance of the Messiah and Mormon’s own story.

In my opinion, the contrast between 4 Nephi and Mormon’s entire pre-4 Nephi text is the strongest evidence of Mormon’s editorial intention: to declare the pattern of history that led to the Messiah’s climactic appearance. Mormon was the Messiah’s apostle–his witness. As an apostolic witness, he describes not just his people’s history leading to the appearance of the Messiah, but the pattern that history shows precedes his appearance. Mormon’s conception of history was cyclical. His historical consciousness assumed that what went before predicted what will come.

Mormon recorded the events that led to the Messiah’s visit and obviously recorded that most important occasion. After the Messiah’s first visit, preparation for his second coming begins. Mormon, however, need not spell it out in detail. He simply reports that the pattern is repeating itself. Before the Messiah came to Bountiful, the faithful struggled between righteousness and nearly universal apostasy. Mormon witnessed his own people struggling with righteousness and leaving faith for worldliness. Before the Messiah came to Bountiful, the Gadiantons had destroyed the government of the Nephites and they (as a people) were not more. Mormon was witnessing the Gadianton supported Lamanites destroy the Nephite government and people. Before the Messiah came to Bountiful, there were terrible wars with the Nephites. Mormon lived to see the end of the most terrible of all wars, one that destroyed almost all he loved.

Mormon’s book ends with an apparent pessimism. There is apostasy. There are Gadianton combinations. There is war and his people are destroyed. Nevertheless, this isn’t Mormon’s message. His message is the cycle of history. He told us that story to prepare us for the new one. The pattern shows great darkness before the glorious light. Mormon highlighted the pattern, and highlighted the occurrence of part of the pattern. He did so that we too might know that the pattern will end with the appearance of the Messiah. As assuredly has history proved that he came, Mormon expected that is explication of the patterned history will prove that he assuredly will come. That was Mormon’s optimistic message. That is how he expected to convince us that Jesus, the Messiah who came, is the Eternal God, the Messiah who will come.

Notes

1 The years are based on my calculations of the correlation of Nephite years to the modern calendar. See Brant A. Gardner Second Witness Analytical and Contextual Commentary on the Book of Mormon, 6 vols. (Salt Lake City: Greg Kofford Books, 2007) 1: 188-189.

2 Royal Skousen, editor, The Original Manuscript of the Book of Mormon, (Provo, Utah: Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies, 2001), Vol. 1, 487, 512, based on my examination of the text.

3 The best confirmation that the headnotes really did preceed the chapter comes in Nephi’s writings, not Mormon’s. Nephi’s headnote for our 2 Nephi covers material only up to our chapter 5. The rest of the material contained in 2 Nephi is not represented in the headnote and my analysis is that it is after that chapter that Nephi begins a more stream-of-consciousness approach to the plates, leaving behind the outline that he used to create his text.

4 David E. Bokovoy, “Repetitive Resumption in the Book of Mormon,” Insights: A Window on the Ancient World 27, no. 1 (2007): 2.

5 Book of Mormon (reprint 1830, Independence, Missouri: Herald Heritage Reprint, 1970), 1.

6 Mormon certainly would not have named this “3 Nephi” simply because our books of 1 and 2 Nephi were not included. What we have as the third book of Nephi would have been the first to appear in Mormon’s text. The evidence from the 1830 edition tells us that none of the Nephis were identified by a number. In Mormon’s work, they are identified by genealogy: “The book of Nephi, the son of Nephi which was the son of Helaman,” and “The book of Nephi, which is the son of Nephi, one of the disciples of Jesus Christ.”

7 The book of Moroni is clearly an addition to Mormon’s record. Moroni finishes his father’s work by completing the book of Mormon. His pseudonymous book is his own addition and not one his father conceived.

8 Royal Skousen, “Critical Methodology and the Text of the Book of Mormon,” Review of Books on the Book of Mormon 6, no. 1 (1994): 137.

9 Pratt used very different criteria in assigning his chapters. In cases where the text followed scriptures from the King James Version of the Bible, Pratt attempted to construct chapter and verse designations that followed that scripture as it appeared in the King James Version. While Pratt usually left chapter ending in the places Mormon had created them, there are cases where Pratt pulled in material from the next chapter and made the break later. For this reason the analysis in this book is based solely on the chapter breaks as found in the 1830 edition.

10 Gardner, Second Witness, 3:95-98.

11 In the following set of data, the indication of the chapter break is given by listing the two chapters between which the break has occurred. In each example there will be two sets of numbers. The first two numbers are from the 1830 edition, and the numbers in parentheses are the modern chapter breaks that correspond to the original divisions (following the excellent chart found in Mackay, “Mormon as Editor,” 104ñ109). Mosiah 1/2 (3/4); Mosiah 2/3 (4/5); Mosiah 3/4 (5/6); Mosiah 6/7 (10/11); Mosiah 8/9 (16/17); Alma 2/3 (4/5); Alma 3/4 (5/6); Alma 4/5 (6/7); Alma 5/6 (7/8); Alma 6/7 (8/9); Alma 8/9 (11/12); Alma 14/15 (26/27); Alma 15/16 (29/30); Alma 19/20 (42/43); Alma 26/27 (58/59); Helaman 2/3 (6/7); 3 Nephi 2/3 (5/6); 3 Nephi 4/5 (10/11) [End of Mormon’s interjection, resuming the account]; 3 Nephi 11/12 (26:5/26:6); 3 Nephi 12/13 (27:22/27:23); Mormon 3/4 (7/8) [shift between Mormon’s testimony, closed with Amen, and the return to narrative]; Ether 1/2 (4/5); Ether 2/3 (5/6); Ether 3/4 (8/9) [Moroni’s interjection closes 3, narrative returns in 4]; Moroni 1/2 (1/2); Moroni 6/7 (6/7); Moroni 9/10 (9/10).

12 Royal Skousen, “Book of Mormon Editions 1830-1981,” Encyclopedia of Mormonism, edited by Daniel H. Ludlow (New York: Macmillan Publishing Company, 1992), 1:175.

13 Over time, some of the “and it came to pass” phrases have been removed from our modern text.

14 I tallied these occurrences using the search function of GospeLink 2001, CD-ROM (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 2000).

15 Michael D. Coe and Mark Van Stone, Reading the Maya Glyphs (London: Thames & Hudson, 2001), 33.

Adam in Ancient Texts and the Restoration

Start Here

Question

What do ancient texts about Adam reveal about the Book of Moses?

Short Answer

Ancient Jewish, Christian, Mandaean, Manichaean, and other traditions preserve teachings about Adam that parallel themes found in the Book of Moses. Matt Roper examines traditions concerning Adam’s premortal existence, divine messengers, agency, sacrifice, repentance, baptism, sacred ordinances, and eventual return to heavenly glory. He argues that these scattered ancient traditions provide meaningful context for evaluating Joseph Smith’s revelations about Adam.

Key Takeaways
  • Ancient traditions expand Adam’s story beyond Genesis, preserving teachings about his premortal existence, heavenly knowledge, and role in God’s plan.
  • Heavenly messengers repeatedly appear in ancient Adam accounts, instructing, warning, testing, and preparing Adam and Eve after the Fall.
  • Sacrifice, repentance, baptism, and sacred ordinances appear in several traditions Roper discusses and parallel important elements of Adam’s story in the Book of Moses.
  • Ancient texts sometimes portray Adam as restored to extraordinary heavenly glory, which Roper compares with Latter-day Saint teachings about Adam’s exaltation and his identity as the Ancient of Days.
  • Roper does not present any single parallel as proof of Joseph Smith’s prophetic claims. Instead, he argues that the accumulated similarities resemble scattered or “broken pieces” of ancient traditions that deserve consideration alongside Restoration scripture.

Summary

Summary

Matthew Roper surveys a wide range of ancient texts and traditions concerning Adam and Eve and compares them with teachings found in Latter-day Saint scripture. These traditions portray Adam as existing before mortality, participating in or having knowledge of the heavenly council, receiving instruction from divine messengers, exercising agency, offering sacrifice, repenting, receiving baptism and ordinances, and ultimately returning to a glorified heavenly state.
Roper argues that these parallels deserve greater attention when evaluating Joseph Smith’s revelations, particularly the Book of Moses. Rather than viewing individual similarities as proof in isolation, he describes ancient traditions as scattered pieces of an older religious story—“broken pieces” that sometimes preserve striking reflections of teachings more fully illuminated by the Restoration.

TL;DR

TL;DR (Too Long; Didn’t Read)

Ancient Jewish, Christian, Mandaean, Manichaean, and other texts preserve traditions about Adam that extend far beyond the biblical Genesis account. Matt Roper compares these traditions with Latter-day Saint scripture, finding parallels involving Adam’s premortal existence, divine messengers, agency, sacrifice, repentance, baptism, ordinances, and heavenly restoration. He argues that these convergences provide important context for understanding Joseph Smith’s revelations about Adam and the Book of Moses.

Adam in Latter-day Saint Revelation

In several early revelations which now constitute the Latter-day Saints’ book of Moses in the Pearl of Great Price, the Prophet Joseph Smith dictated accounts relating to the early biblical patriarchs including Adam.

In contrast to other Christian denominations, Latter-day Saint teachings about Adam go far beyond what is told in the biblical account. They relate how Adam, after his fall, received a knowledge of the future redemption of God’s only Begotten Son and a knowledge, through the ministration of heavenly messengers, of the saving ordinances of the Gospel of Jesus Christ.

Other Latter-day revelations speak of the elevated role of Adam as head of the human family, not only as father of mortal progeny, but in his standing in the Priesthood. Adam, Joseph Smith taught, “was the first to hold spiritual blessings, to whom was made known the plan of ordinances for the salvation of his posterity unto the end, and to whom Christ was first revealed, and through whom Christ has been revealed from heaven, and will continue to be revealed from henceforth.”1

Known through Latter-day revelation as Michael the archangel in his pre-mortal state, he is described in modern scripture as a “prince” whom God the Father entrusted with “the keys of salvation under the counsel and direction of Holy One” or Jesus Christ.2 Other revelations name him the “ancient of days” spoken of in Daniel chapter 7.3

Adam and the Restoration

In his divinely appointed mission to restore the ancient Gospel and the blessings of the priesthood once held by ancient patriarchs, the Prophet Joseph Smith restored knowledge and authority pertaining to these truths to the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.

On May 4, 1842, the Prophet Joseph Smith recorded that he instructed early priesthood leaders in the “principles and order of the priesthood,” which in addition to sacred priesthood ordinances included, “setting forth the order pertaining to the ancient of days” or Adam.4

Today, I would like to discuss the figure of the First Man (or Adam) in relation to ancient religious texts and the restoration. In what follows I will survey and identify key themes found in both revealed Latter-day Saint teachings and other ancient texts and beliefs about Adam in ancient Judaism, Christianity and subsequent religious and cultural heirs to those traditions.

With a few exceptions, I will be drawing primarily upon religious texts that were rarely known, not easily accessible, or completely unknown during the lifetime of Joseph Smith.

Preexistence of the First Man

The account of the creation in the Latter-day Saint book Moses teaches the pre-mortal existence of the first man.

For I, the Lord God, created all things, of which I have spoken, spiritually, before the were naturally upon the face of the earth . . . . And I, the Lord God, had created all the children of men; and not yet a man to till the ground; for in heaven created I them; and there was not yet flesh upon the earth, neither in the water, neither in the air . . . . And I the Lord God, formed man from the dust of the ground, and breathed into his nostrils the breath of life; and man became a living soul, the first flesh upon the earth, the first man also; nevertheless, all things were before created; but spiritually were they created and made according to my word.5

Here in Latter-day Scripture, Adam, the “first man” and in fact, “all the children of men” are said to have been created spiritually in heaven before they were created naturally upon the earth.

The Prophet Joseph Smith taught that Adam obtained the keys of the priesthood “in the Creation, before the world was formed.”6

Other Latter-day Prophets have taught that Adam assisted in the creation or organization of the earth out of unorganized material. “When father Adam came to assist in organizing the earth out of the crude material that was found,” taught Brigham Young, “an earth was made upon which the children of men could live.”7

Ancient Jewish Traditions of Adam’s Preexistence

Some recent scholarship has focused on evidence that the question of Adam’s pre-existence may have been a matter of some controversy in later Judaism.

Here it is important to remember that ancient Judaism was not a monolithic religious entity, but consisted of a variety of competing and sometimes conflicting factions and groups which were often at religious and ideological odds with one another.

The Talmud contains an interesting reference which states, “Our rabbi’s taught: Adam was created [last of all beings] on the eve of Sabbath. Why so? Lest the minim [i.e. heretics] should say: The Holy One, blessed be He, had a partner in His work of creation.”8

In his seminal study, The Name of God and the Angel of the Lord, Jarl Fossum notes that this statement from the Talmud reflects earlier controversy between competing factions of Judaism over the question of the First Man (Adam) and his role in the creation.

More specifically, there were those, who later Jews considered heretics (minim) who held that Adam was God’s “associate” in the creation of the world. This earlier Jewish view of Adam may be reflected in an early midrash which claims that, “God took counsel with the souls of the righteous in creating the universe.”

The Jewish proponent of this belief interpreted the passage in 1 Chronicle 4:23 which speaks of King Solomon’s workers in terms of God as the king of creation, where the pre-existent righteous are said to have been present with God when he oversaw their work under his direction.

The Souls of the Righteous and the Work of Creation

These were the formers and those that dwelt among plantations and hedges; there they were with the King in his work” (1 Chron. iv.23). “These were the formers”: They are termed thus on account of the verse “Then Yhwh Elohim formed man (Gen. Ii.7) “And those that dwell among plantations” corresponds to “And the Lord planted a garden in the east” (Gen. ii.8). “And hedges” corresponds to “I have placed the sand for the bound of the sea” (Jer. v.22). “There they were with the King in his work”: With the supreme King of kings, the Holy One, blessed be He, sat the souls of the righteous, with whom he took counsel before creating the world.9

Concerning this passage Fossum states, “The midrash agrees with the rabbinic tradition that God in Gen. i.26 took counsel’ with his agents. But it goes further than the expositions examined above in that it explicitly calls God’s agents makers’,”formers’,with reference to Genesis ii.7.”10

We might also note that the pre-existent righteous with whom God takes counsel are also said to have been already present when God sets the bound of the sea, an event which occurs on the second day of creation in Genesis.

Another midrash states, “Before the world was created, there was none to praise God and know Him. He created the angels and the holy Hayyot, the heavens and their host, and Adam as well. They all were to praise and glorify their Creator.”11

The Heavenly First Man

This tradition of a pre-existent First man (Adam) persisted in Greco-Roman times, where some Jews and Gnostic Christians associated the “light” mentioned in Genesis 1:3 with the pre-existent first man Adam.

This seems to have been based on the fact that Greek word phos in the Septuagint for Genesis could mean both “light” and “man,” (a word play that is not found, however in the Hebrew).

The Gospel of the Egyptians, one of the texts discovered at Nag Hammadi Egypt speaks of “The first man . . . through whom and to whom everything became, (and) without whom nothing became.”12

Fossum states, “In the so-called Nassene Homily summarized by Hyppolytus, the celestial Adamas is said to have brought the chaotic matter to rest in primordial times (see VI.viii.22). Furthermore, it is he who constantly rotates the universe in a circle (see VI.viii.34). Finally, he emits the world ocean which is surrounding the universe (see VI.viii.20).”13

Several so-called Jewish magical texts also portray the first man as pre-existent and as participating in the creation of the cosmos.

In these texts Adam is addressed as “father of the world” a term which in Hellenistic times was synonymous with the creator of the world. He is also described as one who “filled the whole universe with air, who hung up the fire from the [heavenly] water and separated the earth from the water.”14

In another related text, the heavenly Adam is portrayed as possessing the “the powerful name” possessed by God in the creation.15

After surveying numerous early Jewish, Christian and Gnostic traditions about the heavenly man, Fossum concludes, “that when the rabbis had to maintain that Adam was created on the eve of the Sabbath, they were contending against a doctrine of a heavenly man who was pre-existent or had been brought into being on the first day of creation.”

Although found in later Gnosticism, “this doctrine was of Jewish origin.”16

Adam, Job, and the Divine Council

Recent scholarship suggests that some of these Jewish traditions about the Pre-existence of the first man may be traced to the book of Job. There, Job’s friend Eliphaz challenges the suffering man’s claims to wisdom, asking, “Are you the firstborn of the human race? Were you brought forth before the hills? Have you listened in the council of God? And do you limit wisdom to yourself? What do you know that we do not know?” (Job 15:7-9 NRSV).

Eliphaz’ point is that Job cannot lay claim to such heavenly wisdom. Behind his sarcastic challenge, however, rests an understanding that the first man could indeed lay claim to such heavenly wisdom. Several elements in these verses lead to this conclusion.

The First Man “Brought Forth”

First, in contrast to the Genesis account of the creation, the first man in Job is described in the text as having been born or brought forth rather than “created” (Genesis 1:27) or “formed” (Gen 2:7).

In a recent study of the first man mythology in the Book of Job Dexter Callender notes, “In these words of Eliphaz, we learn that the first human was thought to have been born before the hills. The verbal root here is hwl which means to dance or writhe’. It is used in connection with birth imagery, denoting writhing in travail; and hence can render the meaning to bear or bring forth.'”

The meaning of the verb is clear in the parallelism here with yld as in Isaiah 51:2. In other words, “The first human is described as having come into existence through natural means, that is through birth.”17

This usage points to an event which precedes the formation of man from the dust of the earth in Genesis 2:7.

Born “Before the Hills”

Second, the first man in Job 15:7 is said to be born “before the hills,” a term which is also used of the personified figure of wisdom in Proverbs, where personified wisdom is said to have been possessed by God at the beginning, “before the mountains were settled, before the hills was I brought forth” (Proverbs 8:25).

In the Genesis account of the creation man’s physical body is created on the sixth day, yet the hills and mountains do not appear until the division of the waters from the dry land on the second day of creation. This suggests a pre-mortal birth and existence for the first man mentioned in Job which precedes the creation of his body on earth and its placement in the Garden of Eden in Genesis chapter 2.

Listening in the Council of God

Third, Eliphaz’ question, “Have you listened in the council of God?” is informed by a context which places the first man in God’s heavenly council where he has access to heavenly wisdom.

“According to Eliphaz, the wisdom of the primordial human came as a result of his presence within the council of God, and the fact that he `listened.'”18

Callender observes that the use of the verbs in this passage may be, “alluding to a particular divine council [cf. Gen. 1:26] in which the plan of creation was revealed” or it may indicate continuing access, meaning “art thou wont to be a listener.”19

The First Man Present at Creation

Fourth, in Job 38-41, the Lord lists various things that Job, as a mortal cannot possibly know, but which God does know by virtue of his wisdom as Creator.

“Where wast thou when I laid the foundations of the earth? Declare if thou hast understanding. Who hath laid the measures thereof, if thou knowest? Or who hath stretched the line upon it? Whereupon are the foundations thereof fastened? Or who laid the corner stone thereof; When the morning stars sang together and all the sons of God shouted for joy” (Job 38:4-7).

According to Herbert May, “The motif of the First Man, created before the earth appears in Job 15:7, 8 and is also found in Job 38:4-7. . . . In Job 38 the theme is wisdom and knowledge which Job, in contrast with God, does not have; he was not there (as First Man was there) when God laid the foundations of the earth and the members of God’s council (the morning stars, the sons of God) rejoiced.”20

In response to God’s question, Job, as an imperfect mortal would have to admit that he did not know, but the first man could have answered “yes,” since as one with associated with God at the creation he had access to divine wisdom about the creation of the earth.

In fact, as Callender puts it, “The primal human . . . was present at the creation and by virtue of that fact possessed wisdom in its most intimate details. The divine speeches in [Job] chapters 38-41 make clear that the secrets of the universe lie within the primordium, the epoch of creation. As one who `was born then’, he knew the deepest and most esoteric of knowledge.”21

Thus, “In the world-view of the writer of Job and his audience the first human is an exalted being . . . . He is numbered among the sons of God.”22

Foreknowledge of God and the Necessity for a Savior

Another theme found in the ancient literature on Adam is the teaching that God knew before hand that Adam would fall and in Christian literature, the idea that knowing before-hand of man’s future transgression, God would provide a Savior by which man could be saved.

In a Coptic Christian work, the Discourse on the Abbaton, at the creation God sends an angel to retrieve clay from the earth to form man’s body. The earth objects, complaining of the wickedness that will be committed by man if he is created and placed upon the earth.

If thou takest me to Him, He will mould me into a form, and I shall become a man, and a living soul. And very many sins shall come forth from my heart (or, body), and many fornications, ans slanderous abuse, and jealousy, and hatred and contention shall come forth from his hand, and many murders and sheddings of blood shall come forth from his hand…. Let me stay here and go back to the ground and be quiet.23

An Advocate Before Adam Received Life

In spite of the earth’s objections, the angel carries some clay to God for the formation of Adam’s body. After God creates Adam’s body, however, there is a discussion in heaven between the Father and the Son about what to do about man. According to this text:

He left him lying for forty days and forty nights without putting breath into him. And he heaved sighs over him daily saying, “If I put breath into this [man], he must suffer many pains.” And I said unto my Father, “Put breath into him; I will be an advocate for him.” And my Father said unto Me, “If I put breath into him, My Beloved Son, Thou wilt be obliged to go down into the world, and to suffer many pains for him before Thou shalt have redeemed him, and made him come back to his primal state.” And I said unto my Father, “Put breath into him; I will be his advocate, and I will go down into the world, and will fulfil thy command.”24

It is clear from this text that God knows before-hand that man will transgress and that it is necessary to appoint an advocate for man, and that Jesus willingly offered to suffer the pains of man’s redemption, even before man was given life.

Adam in the Garden

Recent studies by Michael Stone, W. Lipscomb, Gary Anderson and others have focused on a set of Armenian Christian Adam and Eve texts. These texts were first published in Armenian in 1898 and only in English in the last several decades.25

These texts discuss the events which took place in the Garden of Eden before the Fall. In one of these entitled, Adam and Eve and the Incarnation, the serpent tells Eve, “God was a man like you. When he ate of the fruit of this tree he became God of all”26

In The History of the Creation and Transgression of Adam, the serpent states, “God was like you, because he had not eaten of that fruit, When he ate it, he attained the glory of divinity.”

Speaking of devil’s words to Eve, Michael Stone, the editor and translator of the recently published Armenian and Georgian Adam and Eve texts observes, “The formulation in our text says not just that humans will become like God (gods)” but also that “God was himself originally human and became divine through eating the fruit.”27

This variation on the serpent’s words is also found in several later medieval Jewish texts about Adam and Eve.28

In the Transgression of Adam, after Eve partakes of the fruit, Adam asks her, “Why have you eaten the fruit?” Eve responds by saying, “The fruit is very sweet. Take and you taste, and notice the sweetness of this fruit” but Adam refuses, saying, ‘I cannot taste it.”

According to this particular account Eve the begins to cry and beg Adam to eat and “do not separate me from you.” After some deliberation (three hours according to one account) Adam reasons, “It is better for me to die than to become separated and detached from this woman.” Then he partakes of the fruit as well.

Adam’s Restoration and Deification

These and other extra-canonical texts indicate that after the redemption of Christ that Adam would be taken to paradise and that after the resurrection he would be restored to his former inheritance which he had lost at the Fall.

The significance here is that Adam’s restoration to his pre-mortal inheritance, where according to these texts he once reigned under God as a king and at God’s specific command was even worshiped by the angels, suggests a return to a state where he could again receive such adoration, a state clearly suggestive of deification.

The theme of deification in fact is explicit in the Syriac Testament of Adam. There Adam explains to his son Seth that God would eventually fulfil Adam’s desire for deification. Just before being cast out of the Garden, the Lord tells him, “Adam, Adam, do not fear. You wanted to be a god; I will make you a god, not right now, but after the space of many years.”

For your sake I will taste death and enter into the house of the dead…. And after three days, while I am in the tomb, I will raise up the body I received from you. And I will set you at the right hand of my divinity, and I will make you a god just like you wanted.”*

Opposition and Agency

According to the Doctrine and Covenants, the devil was allowed to tempt Adam and Eve in order that they could become agents unto themselves, “for if they never should have bitter they could not know the sweet” (D&C 29:39; see also Moses 6:55).

In the Discourse on Abbaton, Satan tells Eve, ye shall not surely die, but ye shall be like unto these gods, ye shall know the good and the evil, and ye shall [be able] to separate the sweet from the bitter.”29

After Adam and Eve partake of the fruit the Lord tells them that they will experience opposites during their mortality, “You shall hunger and you shall be sated and you shall be afflicted by bitterness then you shall eat of sweetness; you shall be tormented by heat and afflicted by cold; you shall be pauperized and become great; you shall grow fat and you will be weakened.”30

According to another text, their eyes being now opened, Adam identifies their antagonist: “It is that Lucifer… and so we will be henceforth and forever subject to hardships and numerous diseases.”31

In the Book of Moses Eve realizes after receiving further instruction in the plan of salvation, “Were it not for our transgression we never should have had seed, and never should have known good and evil, and the joy of our redemption, and the eternal life which God giveth to the obedient” (Moses 5:11).

The Book of Mormon indicates that the fall was a necessary pre-requisite for having children (2 Nephi 2:23). In this connection there is an interesting commentary in the Zohar relating to the curse placed upon Eve after partaking of the fruit.

“Why,” says the Zohar, ” is the Serpent necessary in this connection? It is because it is he who opens the passage for the descent of souls into the world. For if he did not open the way, no soul would come down to animate man’s body in the world.”32

The Covenant to Provide a Savior

In the Conflict of Adam and Eve, first published in English in 1882, God repeatedly reminds Adam of the covenant God had made with him in the Garden of Eden, before he was driven out, that he would provide a Savior, the Word of God for them after 5500 years.

But God had before that made this covenant with our father Adam, in the same terms, ere he came out of the garden, [when he was] by the tree whereof Eve took [the fruit] and gave it him to eat. Inasmuch as, when our father Adam came out of the garden, he passed by that tree and saw how God had changed the appearance of it into another form, and how it withered. And as Adam went to it he feared, trembled and fell down; but God in his mercy lifted him up, and then made this covenant with him.33

In another text, the Lord reproves Adam for his disobedience. Adam desired to partake of the fruit of the tree of life in his sinful state, but the Lord informs him that he is forbidden to partake of it in his lifetime.

Instead, he gives Adam a charge to obtain from sin: “Rather, when you go out of the Garden, guard yourself from slander, from harlotry, from adultery, from sorcery, from the love of money, from avarice and from all sins.” If he does this, he will eventually be able to partake from the tree of life after the resurrection from the dead.34

The Agency of Adam

In the book of Moses when God commands Adam not to partake of the fruit of the tree of knowledge of good and evil, he adds, “nevertheless, thou mayest choose for thyself, for it is given unto thee” (Moses 3:17).

Other ancient texts related to Adam and Eve also address the question of man’s agency. In the Second Book of Enoch God says, “And I gave him his free will; and I pointed out to him the two ways – light and darkness. And I said to him, `This is good for you, but that is bad’; so that I might come to know whether he has love toward me or abhorrence, and so that it might become plain who among his race loves me.”35

In the Apocalypse of Shadrach, the prophet asks God, since he knew beforehand that man would transgress, why did he not force man to obey or “hold his foot” as it were by keeping him from transgression.

God responds, If I hold his foot, he says, You have given me no grace in the world,’ and so I left him to his own desires because I loved him and thus I sent my righteous angels to watch him night and day.”36

While most Adam and Eve texts portray his choice to partake of the fruit as a mistake, the Christian Epistula Apostulorum seems to view that choice positively, “Adam was given power that he might choose what he wanted from the two [righteousness and sin]; and he chose the light and stretched out his hand and took (it) and left the darkness and withdrew from it. Likewise every man is given the ability to believe in the light.”

Adam and the Angels

Although not found in the Biblical account, Latter-day Saint scripture and other ancient texts tell how the first couple were visited by heavenly messengers sent from God. Alma taught that after the Fall of Adam and Eve, God, “sent angels to converse with them, who caused men to behold his glory” (Alma 12:29).

The Prophet Mormon also taught that the Lord “sent angels to minister unto the children of men, to make manifest concerning the coming of Christ; and in Christ there should come every good thing . . . .Wherefore, by the ministering of angels, and by every word which proceeded forth out of the mouth of God, men began to exercise faith in Christ” (Moroni 7:22-25).

In the Doctrine and Covenants God states, “I, the Lord God, gave unto Adam and unto his seed, that they should not die as to the temporal death, until I, the Lord God, should send forth angels to declare unto them repentance and redemption, through faith on the name of mine Only Begotten Son. And thus did I, the Lord God, appoint unto man the days of his probation–that by his natural death he might be raised in immortality unto eternal life, even as many as would believe” (D&C 29:42-43).

The account of Adam and his family in the book of Moses recounts the ministration of other heavenly messengers as well (Moses 5:6). Not only angelic messengers, but God himself is said to have spoken to Adam directly. “And thus the Gospel began to be preached, from the beginning, being declared by holy angels sent forth from the presence of God, and by his own voice, and by the gift of the Holy Ghost” (Moses 5:58).

Angels Instruct Adam and Eve

The Penance of Adam says that after the fall, “angels came from God every day to speak to Adam and to instruct him for a period of nineteen days.”37

Some of these texts explain how Adam and Eve, finding themselves unprepared for mortal life were instructed by angels in how to deal with basic needs.

In the History of the Repentance of Adam and Eve, five days after being cast out of the garden, “on the sixth day, the archangel Gabriel came to them at the command of God. And seeing Adam and Eve lamenting and weeping, he comforted them and told them to eat from the fruit of the earth, which was near to them.”38

The Jewish Life of Adam and Eve says, “The Lord God sent various seeds by the angel Michael and gave them to Adam and showed him how to work and till the ground so as to have produce by which they and all their generations might live.”39

In the Conflict of Adam and Eve with Satan, an angel from God teaches Adam and Eve how to make garments out of animal skins. Adam and Eve, however do not know how to make clothing.

“Then God sent his angel to show them how to work it out. And the angel said to Adam, `Go forth, and bring some palm thorns.’ Then Adam went out, and brought some, as the angel had commanded him. Then the angel began before them to work out the skins, after the manner of one who prepares a shirt. And he took the thorns and stuck them into the skins, before their eyes. Then the angel again stood up and prayed to God that the thorns in those skins should be hidden, so as to be, as it were, sewn with one thread. And so it was by God’s order; they became garments for Adam and Eve, and He clothed them withal.”40

The same text relates how angels also protected Adam and Eve from attempts by Satan and his angels to destroy them,41 and how angels taught the first couple how to prepare for marriage and then, at God’s command, marry them.42

Angels Comfort Adam and Eve

In the Latin, Armenian and Georgian versions of the Life of Adam and Eve, angels also administer comfort to Adam and Eve.

When Eve prepares to give birth for the very first time Adam, seeing her labor pains fears that she might die, “Adam prayed and spoke a plea to God on her behalf and the Lord hearkened to him. And behold twelve angels and two powers came from heaven.”

One of the angels lays his hand on Eve and blesses her, saying, “Blessed are you, Eve, because of Adam, the elect one and servant of God, for his prayers are great before God and, because of him, God will deliver you.”43

After Cain murdered Abel the Lord comforted the first couple and sent them news of the future birth of Seth.44

Angels Warn and Teach

Other texts relate how God sends angels teach and instruct and sometimes warn Adam and Eve. In the Life of Adam and Eve, when Eve has a dream where she sees Cain killing Abel, God sends an angel to Adam warning him to keep that mystery a secret and not tell Cain that they know of this.45

The Mandaean Book of John tells how God sent an angel to Adam to bring him knowledge of his heavenly home.

“At the call of the Envoy Adam awoke, who was lying there. Adam, who was lying there awoke and went up to the Envoy: Come in peace, o Envoy, Ambassador of Life, who art come from the House of my Father”

The messenger then tells Adam, who is lamenting his fallen state, to cheer up, reminding him of his beautiful heavenly throne which awaits him in heaven.

“I have come and shall instruct thee, Adam, and redeem thee from this World. Hearken and hear and be instructed and ascend victoriously up to the Place of Light.’ Adam heard and became a believer.-Hail to him who hears after thee and who believes . . . . Adam gazed up full of hope and ascended.-Hail to him who after thee ascends.”46

In the the Conflict of Adam and Eve the Word of God, meaning Christ, often speaks to the first couple and when the devil wounds or attacks them, heals them and raises them from the brink of death.

False Angels and Deception

The Conflict of Adam and Eve with Satan tells how the adversary frequently tried to destroy them. When he cannot kill them outright he seeks to deceive them by imitating the true angels sent from God.

After Adam and Eve were cast out of the Garden, “Satan came to the cave, clad in a garment of light, and girt about with a bright girdle. In his hands was a staff of light, and he looked most awful: but his face was pleasant and his speech was sweet.”47

On another occasion, “He gathered together his host, and came in appearance upon a cloud, intent on deceiving them.”48

In the Armenian Christian Penitence of Adam account Adam prays, “Make this enemy of mine distant from me, who desires to lead me astray, I who am searching for the light that I have lost.”49

In the Conflict of Adam and Eve, while they were worshiping God in prayer, Satan and his angels appear in light and radiance at the mouth of Adam’s cave. “He began by transforming his hosts; in his hands was a flashing fire, and they were in a great light.”50

Adam, who senses that something is wrong prayed to God, asking, “O Lord, is there in the world another God than Thou…. If they are of some other God than Thou, tell me; and if they are sent by Thee, inform me of the reason for which thou hast sent them.”

An angel then appears to identify Satan and drive him away.51

Three Heavenly Messengers

Sometimes Adam and Eve are visited by three heavenly messengers. In the Apocalypse of Adam, the first couple are visited by three angels who awaken him and teach them about their origins and give them knowledge of the practice of baptism. Adam later passes on this knowledge to his son Seth and their descendants.52

These three angels are also found in the Mandaean Adam and Eve stories, where Manda dHaiye, a kind of angelic Redeemer figure, sends three kingly angelic messengers, called “uthras” to teach Adam and Eve the rituals which are necessary for this life and which will help them to ascend back to the place where God the “Great Life” dwells.

Kurt Rudolph notes that the fundamental mission of these messengers of light to “instruct the faithful and redeem their souls.”53

The leader Manda dHaiye whose name means the “Son of the Life” and who personifies redemptive knowledge oversees the activities of the three, who in Mandaean traditions are called Hibil, Sitil and Anos. These three function under his direction and are said to have appeared to Adam and other notable prophet figures of the past to reveal saving knowledge and sacred Mandaean rituals.

“They are,” to quote one authority, “mythological figures who appear in particular generations and merely repeat the `primeval revelation’ made to Adam.”54 They reveal to each generation, what was first and originally revealed to Adam in the beginning.

Wilford Woodruff and Three Messengers

The Prophet Joseph Smith and Oliver Cowdery testified that Peter James and John visited them and bestowed upon them the keys of the Melchizedek Priesthood. On October 18, 1840, while serving an apostolic mission in London, Wilford Woodruff recorded in his journal,

We retired to rest in good season & I felt well in my mind & slept untill 12 at night. I awoke and meditated upon the things of God untill near 3 oclock & while forming a determination to warn the people of London & overcome the powers of Darkness by the assistance of God; A person appeared unto me which I considered was the Prince of Darkness or the Devel. He made war with me & attempted to take my life. He caught me by the throat & choked me nearly to death. He wounded me in my forhead. I also wounded him in a number of places in the head. As he was about to overcome me I prayed to the father in the name of Jesus for help. I then had power over him & he left me though much wounded. 3 personage dressed in white Came to me & prayed with me & I was immediately healed & delivered from all my troubles.55

In later descriptions of this episode President Woodruff indicated that these three angels were dressed in the “robes of immortal beings”56 or “temple clothing”57 although he did not know who they were.58

Three Angels and False Messengers

In the Conflict of Adam and Eve with Satan, the Lord sends three angels, Michael, Gabriel and Raphael to Adam and bestow upon him gifts of gold, frankincense and myrrh, which Christ taught them were symbolic of God’s kingship, suffering and death.59

Later, in one of his many attempt to deceive Adam, Satan and two other devils disguise themselves as angels of God in imitation of the three holy angels who had previously brought Adam these gifts.

On this occasion Adam incorrectly believed that these three were the same angels who visited him before. “Because, when they came to Adam the first time, there came upon him from them, peace and joy, through their bringing him good tokens; so Adam thought that they were come a second time to give him other tokens for him to rejoice withal . . . . So when Adam heard these words he believed them, and said to these angels, “Speak the word of God, that I may receive it.”

And Satan said unto him, “Swear, and promise me that thou wilt receive it.” Then Adam said, “I know not how to swear and promise.” And Satan said to him, “Hold out thy hand, and put it inside my hand.” Then Adam held out his hand, and put it into Satan’s hand.

In this story, Adam and Eve are not married yet. So when Satan commands Adam to have sexual relations with Eve, Adam realizes that these are not angel from God and says, “But God never spoke the words thou hast told me; and ye are not God’s angels, nor yet sent from Him. But ye are devils, come to me under the false appearance of angels. Away from me; ye cursed of God! And those devils fled from before Adam.”60

Testing Messengers

In the Manichaean Psalm Book, discovered in 1930, there is a hymn which recounts how God sends an angel to the “First Man” in order to bring him the good news of his redemption.

“Gather and come o sons of man, and hear the Envoy that was sent with the news of the skies . . . . Lo, the news-bearer has been sent with the news of the Land of Light to tell us the news of the skies. He was sent, he came hurrying and rejoicing to the First Man, that [he] might tell him the news. He came and knocked at the gates and cried, `Open quickly that I may tell you the news of [the skies]. Rise up, o First Man, open thy gates that are shut that I may tell thee the news. Rise up o beloved ones, that I may tell thee the news.”61

Before he is willing to receive the message, however, the First Man must be convinced that he is a true messenger, “Who art thou, for my doors are shut? Give a sign that I may open to thee and thou tell me the news.”62

Convinced that this is a true messenger from heaven, the First Man now excitedly asks, “Tell me the news. What does my Father do, the Father of the Lights? . . . . What do the Twelve Aeons do, whom I left surrounding the Father. Tell [me] the news”63 “What does the Mother of the Living do, whom I left, and her brethren also? Tell the news”64

The messenger responds, “Let us go, they await thee, they are on the border (?), they expect thee. Lo, God has wholly come: do thou call, he will answer thee. Lo, they that shall help thee await thee, their hands are spread to embrace thee.”

The text the concludes, “They helped the First Man, he cried before him in joy . . . Great is the joy that there was, the First Man being in their midst, laden with garlands and palms . . . . May we be counted among those of the right hand and inherit our kingdom. Lo, this is the news. And may we live with our kinsmen from everlasting to everlasting.”65

Adam and the Ordinances

The Genesis account tells us very little about the lives of Adam and Eve after their expulsion from the garden. Latter-day Saint scripture, however, teaches that Adam also received authority from God to administer and participate in the ordinances of the Gospel.

Alma taught that beginning with Adam, “priests were ordained after the order of his Son, in a manner that thereby the people might know in what manner to look forward to the Son for redemption” (Alma 13:2) and that it was through these priesthood ordinances that the children of God could become sanctified and enter into the Lord’s presence and rest (Alma 13:10-13).

The Book of Moses relates that after being cast out of the garden that Adam and Eve began to till the earth, “And Adam and Eve, his wife, called upon the name of the Lord” (Moses 5:4). This was a regular practice for we are also told that, “Adam and Eve, his wife, ceased not to call upon God” (Moses 5:16).

Prayer and Ordinances in Ancient Adam Texts

Similarly, in the Conflict of Adam and Eve, finding themselves in a world of hardship and danger, the first couple sought refuge in a cave, “Then Adam and Eve entered the cave, and stood praying, in their own tongue, unknown to us, but which they knew well.”66

According to this text they prayed daily and frequently, “After this Adam and Eve ceased not to stand in the cave, praying and weeping until the morning dawned upon them.67

A recently published Manichaean text discovered in Turfan China during the last century says that God appeared to Adam and taught him about Salvation and that he, “believed in the message” and that, “He eagerly accepted all the commandments, ordinances and seals of virtue, like a mighty hero; he put off the mortal body and was redeemed eternally. He was lifted up to Paradise, to the realms of the blessed.”68

Adam and Sacrifice and a Foreknowledge of the Savior’s Redemption

In the book of Moses, after being shut out from God’s presence because of their transgression, God sometimes spoke to them by his own voice.

And he gave unto them commandments, that they should worship the Lord their God, and should offer the firstlings of their flocks, for an offering unto the Lord. And Adam was obedient unto the commandments of the Lord. And after many days an angel of the Lord appeared unto Adam, saying: Why dost thou offer sacrifices unto the Lord? And Adam said unto him: I know not, save the Lord commanded me. And then the angel spake, saying: This thing is a similitude of the sacrifice of the Only Begotten of the Father, which is full of grace and truth. Wherefore, thou shalt do all that thou doest in the name of the Son, and thou shalt repent and call upon God in the name of the Son forevermore. And in that day the Holy Ghost fell upon Adam, which beareth record of the Father and the Son, saying: I am the Only Begotten of the Father from the beginning, henceforth and forever, that as thou hast fallen thou mayest be redeemed, and all mankind, even as many as will (Moses 5:5-9).

According to the Jewish book of Jubilees, “And on the day when Adam went out of the garden of Eden he offered a sweet-smelling sacrifice-frankincense, galbanum, stacte, and spices.”69

According to a second century Jewish text attributed to Rabbi Nathan, having been cast out of the garden into a world of darkness Adam rejoiced when he first saw the sun rise. To give thanks he offered sacrifice.

“He arose and built altars and brought an ox whose horns extended beyond its hoofs; and he offered it up as a burnt offering . . . At that time three groups of ministering angels came down, and in their hands were lutes and lyres and all kinds of musical instruments. And they sang the song of praise with Adam.”70

Sacrifice in the Conflict of Adam and Eve

The early Christian Conflict of Adam and Eve, portrays the first couple as completely unaccustomed to deal with the difficulties of life in a mortal condition. In their sorrow and fear at having been cast into a dark and perilous world they kill themselves.

In this account, the Word of God (Christ) then comes and restores them to life and teaches them that they should not try to kill themselves again, but must learn to cope with their mortal condition and that all their self-inflicted injury will not save them or allow them to be restored to their former state of happiness in paradise.

Adam and Eve stood on their feet; and Adam said to Eve, “Gird thyself, and I will also gird myself.” And she girded herself as Adam told her. Then Adam and Eve took stones and placed them in the shape of an altar; and they took leaves from the trees outside the garden, with which they wiped, from the face of the rock, the blood they had spilled. But that which had dropped on the sand, they took together with the dust [wherewith it was mingled] and offered it upon the altar as an offering unto God. Then Adam and Eve stood under the altar and wept, thus entreating God, “Forgive us our trespass and our sin, and look upon us with Thine eye of mercy.”71

God is then said to have responded to their prayer.

Then came the Word of God to Adam, and said unto him, “O Adam, as thou hast shed thy blood, so will I shed My own blood when I become flesh of thy seed; and as thou didst die, O Adam, so also will I die. And as thou didst build an altar, so also will I make for thee an altar on the earth; and as thou didst offer thy blood upon it, so also will I offer My blood upon an altar on the earth. And as thou didst sue for forgiveness through that blood, so also will I make My blood forgiveness of sins, and blot out transgressions in it. And now, behold, I have accepted thy offering, O Adam, but the days of the covenant, wherein I have bound thee, are not fulfilled. When they are fulfilled, then will I bring thee back into the garden. Now, therefore, strengthen thy heart; and when sorrow comes upon thee, make Me an offering, and I will be favourable to thee” ….This, then, was the first offering Adam made unto God; and so it became his custom to do.72

The Offering of Corn

On another occasion the Lord miraculously provides corn for Adam and Eve. In thanks for this heavenly gift

Adam and Eve took of the corn, and made of it an offering, and took it and offered it up on the mountain, the place where they had offered up their first offering of blood. And they offered this oblation again on the altar they had built at first. And they stood up and prayed, and besought the Lord saying, “Thus O God, when we were in the garden, did our praises go up to Thee like this offering…. But now, O God, accept this offering from us, and turn us not back, reft of thy mercy.”

In response to this act

God said to Adam and Eve, “Since ye have made this oblation and have offered it to Me, I shall make it my flesh, when I come down upon earth to save you; I shall cause it to be offered continually upon an altar, for forgiveness and for mercy, unto those who partake of it duly.” And God sent a bright fire upon the offering of Adam and Eve, and filled it with brightness, grace, and light; and the Holy Ghost came down upon that oblation…. And the souls of Adam and Eve were brightened, and their hearts were filled with joy and gladness and with the praises of God. And God said to Adam, “This shall be unto you a custom, to do so, when affliction and sorrow come upon you. . . . Adam rejoiced at these words which he heard from God; and he and Eve worshiped before the altar.73

Adam later makes it a practice to make offerings at the birth of his children and teaches them to continue this practice.74

Repentance

The book of Moses teaches that angels taught Adam and Eve the Gospel. “And the Lord God called upon men by the Holy Ghost everywhere and commanded them that they should repent; and as many as believed in the Son, and repented of their sins, should be saved; and as many as believed not and repented not, should be damned; and the words went forth out of the mouth of God in a firm decree; wherefore they must be fulfilled” (Moses 5:14-15).

After Adam has repented, the Lord tell him, “Behold, I have forgiven thee thy transgression in the Garden of Eden” (Moses 6:53).

There are many Jewish, Christian and Muslim traditions which describe the repentance of Adam and Eve. In the Life of Adam and Eve, the first man and woman are sorrowful over their transgression and pray for God’s forgiveness while standing in the water of the Jordan river for many days.75

In the Conflict of Adam and Eve, the first couple frequently repent and ask God’s forgiveness.76

Gabriel Teaches Adam Repentance

In Muslim traditions recorded by Al Kisai, God in heaven tells the angel Gabriel to inform Adam of the principle of repentance. “I have decreed that my mercy shall reach all who call upon me truly repentant of their sins and making humble entreaty. These are the words I have designated for Adam so that he may have repentance to lead him from darkness into light. Descend therefore to him, Gabriel, and give him my greetings. Wipe away his tears and teach him these words.”

This text goes on to say, “Gabriel took the words from his Lord and, surrounded by his great light, descended with them to Adam.” After receiving the message from Gabriel Adam repents and is then told, “Peace be with you Adam. Your repentance has been accepted, and your transgression is forgiven.”77

“When Adam prayed with these words, he was told, `Adam, thou art truly my friend, for I have forgiven thee thy transgression. Ask and it shall be given thee.'”78

“When Adam spoke thus, his voice was carried to the distant horizons; and the earth, the mountains and the trees set up a great clamor saying, `Adam, God has given you relief and has blessed you through your repentance.'”78

“When Adam had accomplished his prostration he was told, Lift up thy head.’ When he lifted up his face, the veil of light was raised, the gates of heaven were opened to him, and a voice cried out announcing repentance and absolution. Adam,’ he was told, `God has accepted your repentance!'”78

Repentance and Forgiveness for Adam and Eve

On another occasion some of the angels chide Adam for having fallen from Paradise.

“Leave Adam alone!’ Gabriel said to the angels. Censure him no more for his transgression, for God has erased his sins.’ . . . . Gabriel then struck the earth with his wings, and a spring gushed forth more redolent than musk and sweeter than honey. As Adam bathed himself in that water, he said, Praise be to God for this water and for every condition. O God, purify me from my transgression and relieve me of my anxiety.’ Gabriel clothed him with two robes of heavenly brocade. To Eve God sent Michael, and he gave her the glad tidings of repentance and forgiveness and garbed her: She said, Praise to God for his excellence and sanction.’ When she learned that her repentance had been accepted, she removed herself to the seashore and bathed herself and said, `Has not God accepted my repentance?”79

In another Mandaean document the heavenly messenger says, “I am the messenger of light, whom the Great One sent into this world. The true messenger (kustana) am I, in whom there is no falsehood, The true one (kustana), in whom there is no falsehood, in whom there is no imperfection or deficiency. I am the messenger of light. . . . Whoever repents, his soul shall not be cut off (from the light), and the lord will not cut him off (or: damn him).’ But the wicked ones, the liars, cut themselves off (from the light), for it was manifest to them, and they would not see, and they were called, and they would not listen or believe” (227-230).

Baptism

Latter-day Saint scripture recounts how Adam was commanded by God to repent and be baptized.

And it came to pass, when the Lord had spoken with Adam, our father, that Adam cried unto the Lord, and he was caught away by the Spirit of the Lord, and was carried down into the water, and was laid under the water, and was brought forth out of the water. And thus he was baptized, and the Spirit of God descended upon him, and thus he was born of the Spirit, and became quickened in the inner man.

And he heard a voice out of heaven, saying: Thou art baptized with fire, and with the Holy Ghost. This is the record of the Father, and the Son, from henceforth and forever; And thou art after the order of him who was without beginning of days or end of years, from all eternity to all eternity. Behold, thou art one in me, a son of God; and thus may all become my sons.80

While the Bible gives no indication that Adam was ever baptized, other ancient Jewish, Christian and later Mandaean texts discuss his baptism. In some accounts Adam is baptized after death before he can enter paradise of heaven. In other accounts, as in the Latter-day Saint Book of Moses, Adam is baptized while in mortality.

According to the early Syrian Father Ephraem, “In baptism Adam found again-that glory that was among the trees of Eden.-He went down, and received it out of the water;-he put it on, and went up and was adorned therein . . . Man fell in the midst of Paradise,-and in baptism compassion restored him . . . . They clothed themselves with leaves of necessity;-but the Merciful had pity on their beauty,-and instead of leaves of trees, -He clothed them with glory in the water”81

Adam’s Baptism in Mandaean Tradition

One interesting account can be found in the Canonical Prayerbook of the Mandaeans. In Mandaean teaching an Hibil-Ziwa, an uthra or angel was sent from God to teach Adam and baptize him.

“This is the baptism wherewith Adam the first man was baptized by Hibil-Ziwa . . . . Any man who has strength thereto and who loveth his soul, let him come and go down into the jordan, be baptized, receive the pure sign, put on robes of radiant light and set a fresh wreath upon his head.’ And Adam descended into the jordan and submerged himself thrice.”

When Adam came up out of the water the heavenly messnger took him by the right hand. “And he grasped his hand in kusta and seated him before him and recited the sealing prayers . . . . This is the limit) (end) of the baptism which came into this world, the (baptism) wherewith Hibil-Ziwa baptized Adam and first man and it was preserved in the ages for the elect righteous for it was written down in the scroll.”82

In Mandaean Book of Adam, called the Ginza an angel teaches Adam the way back to his heavenly home, “When he [Adam] heard this from him he was overjoyed. He himself had brought him hither and (now) he became his guide to the other world. He undressed him (and) clothed him with his garment, he escorted him, made him ascend, and set him up in the House of the Mighty (Life). He took him by the right hand and put him in charge of his own treasurers.”83

Adam and the Return Home

Among the Mandaeans the act of kushta (“truth”) was the exchange of right hands in a truthful oath and held great religious significance. In one of their books the heavenly beings state, “Consider the great sign which is called `the mighty kusta’…Any man who doth not recognize this sign and detracts from it’s noble distinction, alienates himself from us and we will not set him in our abode.

“But a man who hath recognized this, and who distinguisheth, knoweth, enquireth, and investigateth, and can tell the divine from trash…night from day, life from death, evil from good, sweet from bitter, and right from left, he hath discernment.”84

Both the Ginza, the Mandaean book of Adam and the Canonical Prayer-Book of the Mandaeans describes how, upon death, the soul, leaving behind her mortal body, will ascend to the heavenly world of Light from which she originally came.

As she ascends through the heavenly spheres the soul must pass through a series of gates or “watch-houses” where the soul is detained and questioned and where the souls of the wicked and unprepared are punished. As it successfully passes each watch-house the soul dons a series of sacred vestments at each successful passage.

“Garment on garment she putteth on, she arrayed herself in robe after robe . . . . She laugheth, rejoiceth, leapeth for joy, danceth, exulteth, and is overjoyed about the glorious splendor resting (upon her) and the glory that accrueth to her.”85

Abathur and the Heavenly Passage

This text continues, “And on she went and reached Abathur’s house of detention, (Abathur), the Ancient, Lofty, Holy and Guarded one.” Abathur is a powerful angel who guards the entrance into paradise.

“There his scales are set up and spirits and souls are questioned before him as to their names, their signs, their blessing, their baptism and everything that is therewith.”86

According to a Mandaean commentary, this portion of the liturgy refers to “the four ritual handclasps which Abatur seeks to exchange with the soul.”87

Each of these four are associated with separate ritual acts accompanied by a solemn oath, “The first Kusta is a precious kusta; it is the promise made at baptism . . . . The second kusta is a lofty kusta: it is the oath (taken at) coronation; no (earthly) king hath more majesty)!

“The third kusta is a loving one, it is the vow taken at espousal): there is no love like it. The fourth kusta is a powerful kusta for it traveleth to (the other) world. It came, it went, and it opened the door to the world.

“Every man who hath performed these kustas is thereby made perfect, he hath been put to the test by all the worlds and will rise upward and behold the Place of Light.”88

What Was Revealed to Adam

All this in Mandaean tradition was revealed to Adam by divine messengers sent from God to teach him. In the Ginza Manda Haiya tells how messengers were sent to Adam to reveal the proper way to worship.

“When I installed Adam I appointed three uthras over him. I set myself at the head of the uthras whom I set over Adam and Eve. I stood before them and taught them wonderful hymns. I instructed them in the ritual books so that they might perform the masiqtas (after the manner) of the uthras.

“I taught them prayers so that they might be confirmed through the prayers of the Life. I said to them: `You are set up and confirmed in the place where the good are confirmed. Between the manas of light you shall be confirmed.

“I brought myself forward and instructed them, as a teacher does his pupils. I conversed with them and blessed them, and the blessing of the good ones shall rest upon them. Adam, his sons, and his generation shall behold the Place of Light.”89

In the book of Moses it says that through the ministry of God and angels, “all things were confirmed unto Adam by an holy ordinance” (Moses 5:58).

Adam and Eve Exalted in Heaven

Latter-day revelation says, concerning Adam, that the Lord, established his feet, and set him upon high” (D&C 78:16).

Early convert and pioneer Zebedee Coltrin described a vision he and others shared with the Prophet Joseph Smith in which they saw Adam and Eve exalted in heaven, “The heavens gradually opened, and they saw a golden throne, on a circular foundation, something like a light house, and on the throne were two ages personages, having white hair, and clothed in white garments.

“They were the two most beautiful and perfect specimens of mankind he ever saw. Joseph said, `They are our first parents, Adam and Eve.’ Adam was a broad-shouldered man, and Eve as a woman, was large in proportion.”90

Adam Exalted and Glorified

The Colon Mani Codex, discovered in 1969, contains a series of previously unknown visions attributed to several of the early biblical patriarchs. The document quotes from a vision attributed to Adam in which an angel appears to Adam and leads causes him to ascend into heaven where he is exalted and glorified.

Adam is told by the angel, “Therefore receive (and) write these things just as I reveal them to you on exceedingly clean papyrus which is unspoiled and which has not been harbored by worms.”91

Several scholars who have published studies of this codex believe that the name by which this angel identifies himself, Balsomas, may be based upon a Hebrew expression literally meaning “possessor of the (divine) Name,” making him the equivalent of the angel of the Lord in Exodus 23:20-23.92

This Adam text also says,

Moreover there were many other things which he revealed to him in the vision. Very great was the glory that surrounded him. He beheld […] angels an[d high offic]ials and mig[hty powers] … (5 lines lost) … Adam and was made superior to all the powers and angels of creation. Many other similar things to these are in his writings.93

Adam Restored to His Former Position

In a recent study, John Reeves explains that the Adam text describes an “ascent experience” apparently facilitated by the angel in which Adam is taken up to the heavens where “a transformation of Adam’s human status is reported wherein he `was made superior to all the powers and angels,'” suggesting “a divine restoration to Adam of the position he enjoyed among the heavenly entities prior to his disobedience in the Garden.”94

Jarl Fossum has also published evidence from other Jewish texts for the idea “that Adam fell as a consequence of trying to become like God, but then repented and was raised by God and given the Divine Name.”95

This “hidden Name in Adam’s possession” was in these texts, “The Name possessed by the heavenly Man” and “is here represented as a cosmological power holding the universe together. . . . There can be no doubt that the `Hidden Name’ in Adam’s possession is . . . the Name peculiar to God which was generally kept secret.”96

Adam’s Glory in Heaven

In the Apocalypse of Paul, the apostle is shown and introduced to the prophets and saints who are in heaven, including Mary, the mother of Jesus, Jacob and his twelve sons, Moses, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Job, Noah, Elijah and Elisha, Zacharias and John the Baptist.

Afterwards Paul says, “And I looked and saw another who surpassed them all, very beautiful. And I said to the angel: Who is this my lord? He said to me: This is Adam, the father of you all. When he came up to me, he greeted me with joy.”97

What is interesting is that the text describes Adam as surpassing the other prophets and saints in glory and beauty in his post-mortal state in heaven.

The Wisdom of Solomon says that personified wisdom, “preserved the first formed father of the world [Adam], that was created alone, and brought him out of his fall, and gave him power to rule all things.”98

In the Life of Adam and Eve and the Book of the Rolls, God promises Adam that one day he will be restored to his former glory.

On that day God says, “I will turn his sorrow into joy, Then he shall sit upon the throne of him who overthrew him.”99

The Book of the Rolls explains that before his fall, “Adam was king, priest, and prophet.”100

After his fall he is told, “Adam! Do not grieve, for I will restore thee to thine inheritance, out of which thy rebellion has brought thee.”101 That is, he will be restored as a king and a priest.

Adam at the Gates of Paradise

In the Testament of Abraham, the father of the faithful is taken before the gates of Paradise and Hell. There he sees two gates, a narrow one which leads to paradise and a broad gate which leads to the other place, “And outside the two gates of that place they saw a man seated on a golden throne. And the appearance of the man was terrifying, like, like the Master’s.”

According to Abraham, whenever this glorious and enthroned figure saw men and women going through the broad gate he wept, but when he saw many other entering through the strait gate he rejoiced.

In this text Abraham asked his angelic guide, “Who is this most wondrous man, who is adorned in such glory?” The angel informs Abraham, This is the first-formed Adam who is in such glory, and he looks at the world, since everyone has come from him.”102

In a recent study of the Testament of Abraham Phillip Munoa demonstrates that the enthroned figures of Abel and Adam portrayed in this text are influenced by the descriptions in Daniel chapter 7 and that Adam in the Testament of Abraham should be understood to represent the ancient of days, agreeing with Joseph Smith’s teaching that Adam was the “Ancient of Days” (D&C 27:11; 116:1).

In this text we also see Adam not only glorified in his post-mortal state, but having a throne and sitting at the gate or entrance to Paradise.

According to Heber C. Kimball, the Prophet spoke of a vision in which he saw Adam acting as a gate keeper at one of the heavenly gates. “He saw Adam open the gate of the Celestial City and admit the people one by one. He then saw Father Adam conduct them to the throne one by one, when they were crowned Kings and Priests of God.”103

According to Kimball,

He (Joseph) saw until they had accomplished their work, and arrived at the gate of the celestial city; there Father Adam stood and opened the gate to them, and as they entered he embraced them one by one and kissed them. He then led them to the throne of God, and then the Savior embraced each one of them and kissed them, and crowned each one of them in the presence of God. He saw that they all had beautiful heads of hair and all looked alike. The impression of the vision left on Brother Joseph’s mind was of so acute a nature, that he never could refrain from weeping while rehearsing it.104

Concluding Personal Reflections

Critics of Latter-day Saint Scripture and teachings have generally paid very little attention to the Book of Moses. Those who have condescended to comment on it have generally dismissed it as a shallow plagiarism of New Testament doctrines and themes if they do not ignore it altogether.105

Such dismissals show an unawareness on the part of these commentators of the often striking convergences between the Latter-day Saint scripture and the ancient world.106

Critics, skeptics and the disaffected have in my view greatly underestimated the revelations of Joseph Smith. Unfortunately, so have many members of the Church of Jesus Christ.

I submit to you that the Latter-day revelations of ancient texts through the Prophet Joseph Smith are a treasure that we Latter-day Saints have yet to fully value and cherish.

From the perspective of a believer we may survey the past as a series of dispensations. Each one gone before like a beautiful chandelier was once filled with wonderful light but is now broken and scattered.

As we survey the past with its cycle of previous restorations and apostasies the careful observer may often detect broken pieces, imperfect, incomplete, but sometimes very beautiful in reflecting partial light and truth.

Some may view those pieces as lucky coincidence or ignore them altogether, and they are certainly free to do so.

Latter-day Saints may be justified in seeing such ancient convergences as reflecting, broken, but sometimes beautiful parts of a much larger and older story, now more fully illuminated by the Restoration.

 

Search topics

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Joseph Smith and ancient texts; Joseph Smith Book of Moses; Book of Moses historicity; Pearl of Great Price criticism; Book of Moses criticism; Joseph Smith plagiarism claims; Joseph Smith translation claims; ancient parallels to Latter-day Saint scripture; Mormon Adam beliefs; Mormon temple parallels; Mormon Church temple ordinances; Latter-day Saint teachings about deification; Latter-day Saint teachings about Adam; evidence for Joseph Smith revelations

Frequently Asked

What do ancient texts say about Adam that parallels Latter-day Saint scripture?

Ancient texts from several religious traditions portray Adam as more than simply the first mortal man. They describe themes including Adam’s existence before mortality, heavenly knowledge, instruction by angels, opposition from deceptive messengers, sacrifice, repentance, baptism, sacred ordinances, and eventual restoration to heavenly glory. Matt Roper argues that these traditions contain notable parallels with teachings about Adam found in the Book of Moses and other Latter-day Saint scripture.

Why does Matt Roper compare these traditions with the Book of Moses?

Roper argues that ancient Adam traditions provide historical and religious context for teachings revealed through Joseph Smith. He sees the parallels not as identical traditions preserved intact, but as fragmented remnants that can illuminate themes found more fully in Restoration scripture.

Was Adam baptized according to ancient traditions?

The Bible does not describe Adam’s baptism, but Roper cites ancient traditions that do. He particularly discusses Mandaean texts in which a heavenly messenger teaches and baptizes Adam, comparing these accounts with Moses 6, where Adam is baptized by water and receives the Holy Ghost.

Do ancient texts describe angels teaching Adam and Eve?

Yes. Roper cites several ancient traditions in which heavenly messengers instruct Adam and Eve after the Fall. The teachings include practical instruction, repentance, baptism, sacred rituals, heavenly knowledge, and preparation for returning to God’s presence.

Do ancient traditions portray Adam as exalted after death?

Several texts discussed by Roper portray Adam as restored to heavenly glory. Some describe him enthroned, possessing divine authority, surpassing other righteous figures in glory, or standing near the entrance to Paradise. Roper compares these traditions with Latter-day Saint teachings concerning Adam’s exalted role and identity as the Ancient of Days.

DNA and the Book of Mormon – Ryan Parr (2005)

Summary

Summary

Ryan Parr examines claims that DNA evidence contradicts the Book of Mormon, introducing mitochondrial DNA, Y-chromosome inheritance, and population genetics. He explains why drawing conclusions about ancient populations from modern genetic data can be far more complicated than it first appears.

TL;DR

TL;DR (Too Long; Didn’t Read)

Modern Native American DNA largely reflects Asian ancestry, but Ryan Parr argues that this alone cannot determine whether small ancient Near Eastern populations contributed to the ancestry of people in the Americas. Genetic lineages can disappear over generations, and mitochondrial DNA and Y-chromosome evidence represent only narrow portions of a population’s ancestry.

Start Here

Question

Did DNA disprove the Book of Mormon?

Short Answer

DNA studies show that most identifiable Native American maternal and paternal lineages are closely related to Asian populations. Ryan Parr argues, however, that this does not by itself rule out the presence of a small ancient Near Eastern population because genetic lineages can disappear over many generations and modern population data cannot necessarily reconstruct every ancestral contribution.

Key Takeaways
  • Modern DNA evidence strongly supports substantial Asian ancestry among Native American populations.
  • Mitochondrial DNA traces only maternal lines, while Y-chromosome DNA traces paternal lines.
  • Individual genetic lineages can disappear from a population over many generations.
  • The genetic descendants of an ancient person need not retain that person’s detectable mitochondrial or Y-chromosome lineage.
  • Conclusions about Book of Mormon populations therefore depend partly on assumptions about population size, ancestry, migration, and intermarriage.

[Editor’s Note: This was a graphics-rich presentation. This transcript does not include slides from the presentation.]

I would like to thank the organizers of the conference for being invited to talk about two really great subjects and that is the Book of Mormon and DNA which, when you look at its structure and its design, is no less of a divine inspired molecule!

We live in a very exciting age. Now, by the time you finish watching CNN you may not think that, but there is a lot of good that is going on in the world today and actually we call- so this is sort of a public service announcement on DNA—you’ll often hear the word “genome” and genome refers to the entire complement of genes that each one of us has and for humans that’s between 30-80,000 genes and this is really going to be the basis of an economic revolution in countries that will take note. In fact Bill Gates has said that if he had the opportunity to do it over again he would be in biotechnology because with the early days of this type of research, it was pre-1995 (they call the ancient days), and now since we’ve actually looked at and deciphered the entire human genome there are many things that we think we can now do. We can use DNA as a biosensor to detect what we’re thinking; all types of diseases; cancers that now we treat after their clinical manifestations; long before there are clinical manifestations; so we really stand on a cusp and a threshold of a revolution much like the antibiotic revolution of the last century.

So, they are exciting times. In fact if you work in biotechnology and DNA everybody’s really excited to get work, to see the progress that’s going to move forward and all this is really because of this molecule—DNA.

DNA is really quite amazing because it just has four simple letters to convey its message: G, A, T, and C. With these four letters everything about the human body is written in what we call the blueprints of life. Now that’s pretty amazing because, of course, we have to use 26 letters to speak but all of the information content held within a human body, and really responsible for the variation we see in this room when we look around us, is written in that simple genetic alphabet.

Now as we have deciphered the human genome there’s been quite a few surprises along the way. If you notice there’s all types of genes that we’ve found, there’s the reality-based TV fixation; delusions of stock market savvy; and one I’m actually convinced is that fixation in my family—and fixation means that everybody has the gene you can’t escape—and this is just late-breaking news but I think right here there’s a Wal-Mart gene. (Laughter) And this was affirmed by Business Week about a year ago who said that, ‘Eighty percent of Americans made at least one visit to Wal-Mart in that particular year.’ And it also comes in handy because, remember we used to- what was it? In the 70s we used to blame our environment and then we used to blame our parents for things that we didn’t do that we should do and now you can blame your genome so this really comes in handy. It’s no longer, ‘My parents made me do it’ but ‘My genes made me do it.’ Kind of like it’s not your fault that mom married your dad.

But along with this comes other challenges as well and that is that there are DNA claims against the Book of Mormon and most of these are based on modern population data. Number one, the genetic evidence of Native American characterizations does not support an Ancient Near Eastern descent for Native Americans. Population genetics are consistent with Asian origins for aboriginal groups and I don’t know if we should really be too concerned about this. It all lies in your expectation. And this is mostly based on mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) and Y chromosome because in each one of us there is actually a paternal name that’s written in your Y chromosome that you get exclusively from your dad and in the mitochondrial genome that you get exclusively from your mother. So these actually turn out to be fairly great genealogical tools, that is if you’re just thinking in terms of a couple of generations. The more generations are received the more difficult it gets and I’ll show you why.

Let’s look at the claims behind this and to do that we have to look at just a few basics to begin with and that is there are two great archives of DNA in the human body, or in the cell, there’s this master library that is held in the nucleus and this has billions of letters of information. If you take the information that you got from mom and you got from dad there is 6.6 billion pieces of information and the more we learn about this I think the more astounded we are. We used to think that there were just genes and then long islands of nothing. But recently, within the last year, one of the big—you probably heard the word microarrays—a group that makes microarrays has done a lot of research and found out that these islands of nothing may not be nothing but they are important for coding, they are important for turning genes on and off.

And then we have out here what I like to term branch libraries, out away from the central nucleus are these mitochondria and mitochondria are very important. I think when most of us went to school, if you paid attention in biology class, they just said, ‘Oh it’s just the battery. It powers the cell and don’t worry about it.’ However that’s changing quickly.

Now for the mitochondrial aspect, it’s interesting because it has its own complement of DNA but it’s extremely modest in comparison to its nuclear cellmate. It only has 17,000 pieces of information but these branch libraries are numerous—there’s thousands, maybe 10,000 in a particular cell.

So important is this molecule that the nucleus actually pays the tithing of 10 percent of its total complement to speak to the mitochondria. So these two speak back and forth and they’re in communication, actually in just microseconds- nanoseconds and that will become apparent as to why that’s so important.

Just for a rough comparison here, nuclear DNA of course sits in a nucleus; and it’s the equivalent of amount of 50 sets of encyclopedias so a lot of information. MtDNA resides out away but it’s still in communication, there are still phone lines, still e-mail, going back and forth in a chemical sense. There’s about ten pages of information but these ten pages of information are the same in every mitochondria that’s in the cell and so there’s a certain number of volumes here that’s important to make sure that mitochondria work.

And the reason why that is is because mitochondria are vital. I can tell everyone in this room your mitochondria is working otherwise you wouldn’t be here because it’s responsible for generating 80 percent of the cellular fuel at a molecular level. In fact we’re now moving into a new phase where they’re beginning to recognize that there are mitochondrial diseases and many a-typical diseases that we see now are going to end up being mitochondrial diseases. Estimates go as high as- incredibly high, that as many out one out of every five people may have a mitochondrial disorder and that’s because mitochondria, they code for actually 37 genes. Now 13 of those genes- they’re important because they make sure, or (let’s see- it’s hard to do math when you’re in front of a group!) but anyway there’s 13 genes there that are very important for energy production. They work in concert with signals that are sent down from the nucleus and the other genes just simply make sure that these get made.

So I think what I’m trying to say here that maybe I should have said at the beginning, is that just simply looking at the population genetics and making a judgment as to what it means to a group of people from 2600 years ago is very precarious because this just isn’t simply a genetic marker. It’s vital for energy metabolism. So this is just a gee-whiz figure and you’re not supposed to be able to figure it out because it’s supposed to overwhelm you. (Laughter)

With all of the metabolic pathways that’s actually driven by mtDNA so actually we found that when a cell develops pathology, for example cancer develops, in some cases it shows up early in the mtDNA in the form of alterations in this simple genetic alphabet.

So now the claims are made against the Y chromosome and mtDNA. So let’s first of all take a look at the Y chromosome.

So these have unique patterns of inheritance and that is that they stay steady through a line. In fact it’s not surprising that some Jewish groups have a specific Y chromosome marker at a high frequency of about 50 percent. If you read the heavy, heavy paternal lineages, for example in Chronicles, or if you’ve seen “The Home Teachers” and where they put that tape in and they go on Jehosophat, Jehu… and whoever, that’s literally true. Long histories of paternal chromosomes and those can actually get fixed but what happens is that dad has to have a son, the son has to have another son that has to be passed on. Now if this dad here had a daughter, he doesn’t pass on his paternal Y chromosome. That doesn’t mean that he doesn’t have a brother out here that doesn’t pass it on.

But this comes into a very important point called “coalescence” where, over time, most of these genetic signals can and do disappear—it’s been proven from a statistical viewpoint.

We also have mtDNA which we get from our moms. So actually in mtDNA there is in the same paternal, or Y chromosome, there’s a maternal name written in these four simple letters: the G, A, T, and C and this occurs in a subset of the entire genome. So where the maternal name is written is usually very small, we call that the hypervariable region and same game, so if mom has daughters then this is passed on. If mom had a son right here, this isn’t passed on.

So I want you to keep this in mind because this is very important when you start to talk about really small groups like Lehi’s family and you consider the eight years that they were in the wilderness. Statistically you start to get problems with the frequencies that have been suggested.

So how did these look? How do we actually read these? It’s actually quite dull! (Laughter) So this is (and I just said that this was exciting didn’t I?)- So, each one of these lines actually represents, you could say, a maternal name. This is actually, sequencing data what we call, you can see there’s the Gs, the As, the Ts and the Cs and then down here the software—and I should say that without the advent of computers this would be impossible and now many large companies like IBM are trying to get interested into these types of biosciences because there’s so much information that needs to be decoded and because of the coming revolution in health care they see these as tremendous revenue generators.

So one thing I forgot to mention, sort of the blue sky of all this, is that in the not too distant future you’ll go in to your physician and you’ll swipe a card and it will say: ‘Okay, well Scott Gordon back there he doesn’t respond very well to ibuprofen because he has this particular gene but we know aspirin works for him.’ ‘Ampicillin may not work for you but we’ll give you tetracycline.’ So all these things will become a very highly practiced type of science and things will be treated long before they show up clinically because they’ll be anticipated at the DNA level.

So all this information is interestingly once again written in this code but for our purposes here, so what happens, if you look at this little dot right here, the software gives us this heads up and says, ‘Well there’s somebody here that doesn’t match.’ So if you run up all these Ts we say ‘Aha, there’s a C right here!’ So this person actually has a different name simply because this differs by one letter of the genetic alphabet and the same here. So you can imagine the problem with trying to handle all of this data when you’re looking at populations of people that have billions of pieces of information.

But what’s important, I think, here is that most of the lineages can actually be the same and most of them probably swamp this particular individual here and this is a sampling of a large population of people from Thunder Bay, Ontario, Canada. And this information, this maternal information also the Y chromosome, has been used to come up with various ideas and this is really quite ingenious and very exciting.

There’s been multiple migrations out of Africa, you’ve probably all heard of the seven daughters of Eve and you can send in your DNA and they’ll tell you which Eve you came from and Adam and all that type of thing which are interesting commercial ideas. But so, from this, and the caveat is these are once again modern populations. So we can see that Native Americans really- scientists aren’t very inventive because they have four(sic) maternal names: A, B, C, D and X—that’s not very exciting is it? But it looks like, really from areas here in Siberia that many of the modern-day signatures actually- but they do match these people coming out of Siberia and to a lesser extent there are some haplotypes in Asia that match as well but it’s these major four(sic?) and I think that here’s where the claims come that, ‘Well sheesh, Native Americans have these haplotypes and where are the Ancient Near Eastern haplotypes when we look at modern DNA?’

But another important thing to notice is that there are different distributions of these haplotypes and that’s another thing that comes into play. So there are limitations to this approach, and this is never really brought out, but the huge limitation is this is based on contemporary data and we’ll look at some population histories later on here and you’ll actually see that there are many population histories that are written in Native Americans and simply because all these names don’t appear at this particular period in, for example the Cherokee, doesn’t mean that they weren’t there sometime in the past; it doesn’t mean that there aren’t names that have gone to extinction because there are a lot of variants. We’re just seeing, this is much like reading a Sherlock Holmes book, well, not reading a Sherlock Holmes book but reading the last chapter and then from what is written there trying to reconstruct all the nuances of the plot of a Sherlock Holmes book. That would be difficult. And mitochondria are much more than population markers, they’re actually very, very dynamic. Sometimes we get the idea that genes don’t move, that it’s just what we get (inaudible) but they can be dynamic, as we’ve seen with pathology, that you can get mutations—but that probably doesn’t apply here.

So let’s go back to the beginning, the guy that’s really responsible for all this and that is father Abraham. Just to illustrate some points of groups that move. So father Abraham here started out from Ur, he came across the Fertile Crescent and he ended up somewhere in Palestine. Now what’s interesting about this, and I think this comes into play with the Promised Land, is that when father Abraham went to Canaan he didn’t go to Promised Land ‘Retirement Villa’, there were people there, there was opposition. So when you go to a Promised Land it’s just not like, you know, go there and play golf until the Second Coming—that’s not how it works.

But from a population perspective let’s go back to the city of Ur. So this maybe what the city of Ur looked like when Abraham was there, people are at the market, they’re shopping for leeks and maybe they’re going to go hear a reading of the Epic of Gilgamesh that evening! (Laughter)

But what I’ve done with Abraham is I’ve taken some of these people, I pulled them out, so if you think of the gene pool of all these people I’ve taken a very restricted number, a kin-associated group, they’ve gone somewhere else. Now just because you’re Abraham and you’ve left your population doesn’t mean that God hits you over the head with a wand and says, ‘Oh I’m going to change your genetics so you’re unique.’ No we’re all pretty much, like for example in this room, we all look very much European. We would probably all be X- mitochondrial type X.

This is what happens to Abraham, so he lives the area. And this is what we call a genetic bottleneck—there’s just no getting around it. So if you think of a genetic bottleneck, think of—and I think I better thank FARMS for this because this is one of their articles and I just chopped it up—so you have an old fashioned pop bottle and you have a variation in here that represents all the people and then Abraham is going to leave so you just pour a couple of these guys out. So you don’t have what’s represented any more, you have a sub-set of this. So we have a genetic bottleneck already.

But now let’s step ahead 1200 years to Jerusalem and to the outskirts where we have a small kin-associated group, such as Lehi and his family who’ve left. Who’ve left for a Promised Land and, once again, this is a kin-associated group. So we’ve had Abraham in the Land of Canaan, I mean there’s been population histories for that 1200 years. We just don’t know, so even probably the signal from Abraham is lost once again in the intermarriages that may happen. Maybe they all looked very consistently the same. This the problem you run into if I was to run over to the Ancient Near East today and say, ‘Let me look at these Israeli and Palestinian populations. This is what they looked 2600 years ago.’ It just doesn’t work that way, and the literature actually is very cautious about that and says, you know, we have to be very careful how we reconstruct these ancient lineages.

So we have this kin-associated group, Lehi and friends, and they leave. So we have another bottleneck and they’re out here wandering around in the wilderness and of interest there is that they’re out there for eight years. Now there are things called infant mortality rates and that type of thing because you don’t have modern medicine, and you don’t have physicians, you just can’t drive into an emergency ward and if you’re going to die you generally die. So there’s probably again a genetic reduction that occurs naturally in the small kin-associated group—not everybody lives, not everybody has sons and daughters and it’s more acute in a small group like that. So they can tend to go to what again we call ‘fixation’ rapidly but probably it shouldn’t have happened here because it was only eight years.

So when we travel to new lands, the things that we always take with us are our genes. We take our nuclear DNA, we take our mtDNA, and it’s all a certain amount of variation that comes along in a little cup. In fact if you looked really close Sariah is holding this cup. (Laughter) But anyways- you are alive out there!

I just want to say a couple of things about the Promised Land. We believe that they sailed over to Mesoamerica and landed somewhere in this area and this wonderful graphic is courtesy of Blake and Joseph Allen. Let’s talk just a minute about the Book of Mormon and what it has as the Promised Land.

I know that we all believe that they went to a land where there never was before man. At least that’s our traditional understanding of what that means but if you look really close at 2 Nephi, I mean I think it seems like sometimes we tend to get carried away. It’s sort of written in covenant of Abraham language that says those brought out of the land of Jerusalem. It’s a very specific group of people, they’ll prosper, they’ll be kept from all other nations, they’ll possess this land unto themselves, but the conditions always are that the laws and statutes are respected and lived. So the Promised Land idea is really associated with the covenant of Abraham and does not cover some of God’s other children that are living in this New World. In fact you can almost think of Lehi’s group as a boat of missionaries. Why not? Bringing the covenant of Abraham to a new land.

And also if you want to think in terms of, like, the Saints that came into the Valley in 1847, they certainly didn’t come to a Promised Land ‘Retirement Area’. In fact it was just the opposite. There were things that they had to do that built character that let them become all that they were to become. In fact Elder Maxwell always makes the point that these trials and tribulations that we are given are very specific for each one of us so that we can tutor, we can learn, we can become all that’s intended for us in the divine sense.

So we also look at Joshua and the children of Israel. They had a literal war on their hands but nevertheless God told Joshua to be not afraid, neither be dismayed but be of a strong courage and I’ll be with you in these ventures.

So it seems like in the terms of Promised Land there is opposition in all things. So they come into Mesoamerica, and according to Michael Crawford, at the beginning of the 15th century, and see now again here we’re having to rely on modern data because that’s all we have, he says that there were 25 million inhabitants in Central America—those are a lot of people.

Let’s just sort of look at what John Sorensen calls Lehi’s neighbors. I call this (I was going to call this shadows of the empire but it had already been used) shadows of existing people and when we read in the Book of Mormon—it was never intended as a population history—but if you read it as that, there are really interesting clues and nuances.

First of all, we find out—it’s repeated over and over—this is only a hundredth part of the record so those things that we think are important today, the genetics and so on and so forth, weren’t even an issue and if you’ve read the Book of Mormon you can understand why. I mean Mendel is still in the future; he’s sort of the father of genetics. James Watson and Francis Crick, the discoverers of the double helix in 1953, aren’t even a thought. In fact, the bacterial theory of disease isn’t even a thought.

These people have other issues and the issues seem to be social and political. What’s really fascinating I think is some of the language that’s used. So the sibling rivalry becomes very dangerous, Lehi is told by revelation to leave. Well, he says, I’m going to take my relatives and then he says, and those who would go with me. Well who were these people? I mean there are so many people who came over on the boat and he should know everybody. Temple construction takes a lot of manpower so it’s going to cause these people to be industrious. So the shadows continued.

What I tried to do is look early on in the Book of Mormon for these clues and these nuances. This is what Jacob says, and you can’t- it just turns out that Lamanites and Nephites isn’t even a genetic term and it’s not anyway because they all share the same genetic background. Jacob says this, he says, “But I, Jacob, shall not hereafter distinguish them by these names, but I shall call them Lamanites that seek to destroy the people of Nephi, and those who are friendly to Nephi I shall call Nephites, or the people of Nephi.” (Jacob 1:14)

Interestingly polygamy is no longer an accepted practice so you’re not going to have these huge Y chromosome incursions and even if it was there are not enough women from the Ancient Near East to drive that genetic agenda.

And this one is I think is very interesting, it was pointed out by John Sorensen, he talks about Sherem. So Sherem comes to see Jacob and he says, “Brother Jacob, I have sought much opportunity that I might speak unto you; for I have heard and also know that thou goest about much, preaching that which ye call the gospel, or the doctrine of Christ. And ye have led away much of this people.” (Jacob 7:6-7) Well c’mon when I go to my- I know where my relatives live, don’t you?

So it seems like there were these collisions and these interjections with the populations fairly early.

And if we continue, some of these shadows, interestingly Jarom, who is the son of Enos, who is the son of Jacob, says, “And they were exceedingly more numerous than were they of the Nephites.” (Jarom 1:6)

And then there’s always this missionary effort, “And it came to pass that many means were devised to reclaim and restore the Lamanites to the knowledge of the truth.” ( Jacob 7:24) The Lamanites, or, those who do not believe. Alma the Younger and the four sons of Mosiah, for example, set off on a long missionary effort.

And finally when you go to 4 Nephi 1:17 “Neither were there Lamanites, nor any manner of -ites.”

So these divisions that we see in the Book of Mormon really have nothing to do with genetics but they seem to be one large group.

Let’s look at our genes coming from Jerusalem. So you have these four- you have these kin-associated groups; you have, let’s be generous and say there were four mitochondrial lineages and there were three Y chromosome lineages. So you dump these guys into the gumball machine, we’ll make A, B, C, D, and X all the same and then you dump these guys in and one of the things that we find right off is that if you brought some of these genes from Jerusalem you’re not going to fare very well in this new environment. It’s like wanting to be a basketball star but not being able to dribble or shoot or run. And that is that the way mitochondrial DNA is distributed in populations has to do with what we call ‘selection’ so if you can’t run, jump or shoot the Jazz are not going to ask you to come and try out. And the same thing again- natural selection shaped regional mitochondrial DNA variation in humans and it’s very, I think, instructive that in these migrations that we see we only see a select number of mitochondrial DNA names: A, B, C, D and X.

In ancient history I think we have to suspect that there were many of these that just went out of existence and there’s this other issue that’s called ‘coalescence’ or ‘lineage sorting’. So let’s look at this.

So these- note at the top, these are 18 women and we’re looking at the first generation. It doesn’t matter if these are actually women or men but what happens is you look at the lineage scenario through the generations and this is 20 generations—or 500 years. This person- this women had no daughters and we’re supposed to assume that all these are unique mitochondrial lineages and so it’s even worse if this is strung out across the room where many people have the same lineage and then there’s just a couple that have these lineages that are probably at a selective disadvantage. What happens is that through time things coalesce; there’s this lineage sorting process so that when you get down to the bottom there’s only two of the 18 that made it—eleven percent.

Now, these are just population facts, whether or not you’re God’s people or whether or not you’re Nephite, Lamanite or whatever -ite you may be, there is a sorting process and that’s based on the idea that these molecules here are the same. Well you have some, you’re outnumbered, you’re at a disadvantage because you can’t run, jump and shoot like everybody else. And so there is actually this funnel, this sieve sort of, process that takes place.

And if we look at the current people that live in Mesoamerica you can see this very well. So you have your A, B, C and D and various populations here but you can see for example, like, this group has A, it has B, it has C but where’s D? It doesn’t mean that 300 years ago they didn’t have D here. So what I’m trying to say is that, and it’s the same for all these, you see a population history written in everyone of these people and we’re seeing the buds on the tips of the trees, we’re not seeing the branches, we’re not seeing the trunks.

So everyone, I mean for example, this one- this group of people, they’re missing three of these. This one probably is not fair(?), this is Caribbean so they’re probably islanders, which means there’s more of a reduction yet. I think this also speaks of selection once again, so why wouldn’t all these be at the same frequency?

Now if we want to look at the way we do genealogy, say I’m right here and I want to look back a couple of generations, we can see that every generation—and now I should say I’m talking about nuclear DNA I’m not talking about mitochondrial or Y chromosome—but at every generation receding, your number of ancestors doubles. Now when you get back so many generations a lot of people, I mean I have people tell me, you know in my ward at home, ‘Well I’m related to so-and-so- the King of France back in 1400.’ Well you may be related to the King of France because there’s one of these lines that comes your way but you’re also related to everybody else. You may be related to Siegfried here that was thrown in jail, you may be related to so-and-so here that was a bank robber. And so, there’s a lot of people that you become related to and the chances that their DNA is in you is very, very small—it’s like winning the lottery. And once again that’s just the population genetics so this is really called the ‘law of increasingly remote and genetically irrelevant ancestors.’ (Laughter) I don’t make this stuff up.

Then another interesting note that I think has been forgotten, and this comes from the Dakhleh Oasis, there is a Romano-Coptic Christian site in the Dakhleh Oasis and it looks like the people were proselyted (Coptic Christian just means Egypt and there was a time when the early Christian movement moved throughout Egypt and proselyted people in their native tongue) and these oases exist as big footprints out in the sand on the west side of the Nile which is kind of interesting in and of itself if you’re Egyptian why would you live out in the West Desert because that’s the Land of the Dead—who wants to live out in the Land of the Dead? Anyway, they did and here’s a view of the ancient town of Kellis and if you can look off to- I believe this is the east, there’s the desert escarpment that moves up- these are sand dunes and then here’s the town of ancient Kellis.

Well in Kellis there’s a cemetery called Kellis 2. Kellis 2 is very interesting because they buried everything. They buried stillborn, they buried children that had died, they buried fetuses. And so we really get a look at ancient population demographics and what’s interesting when you want to think about the Book of Mormon and trying to push these genetics in the Ancient Near East up through this population is that the pre-reproductive mortality rate is 63 percent—so over half of your children don’t make it to have more children and a lot of these, they were Christian, they believed in God as well. So God isn’t selective among His people, we’re sent here, we have to put up with the physical facts. So there you go there is another genetic (inaudible).

So I think from all of this I would like to conclude that these small kin-associated groups that we see in the Book of Mormon are at genetic disadvantages. There were large indigenous populations in Mesoamerica 600 BC and the Book of Mormon populations assimilated into the ancient genetic topography of Mesoamerica with these mitochondrial haplotypes A, B, C, D and X.

So do Book of Mormon people have the same mitochondrial haplotypes as Native Americans? Yes. They were assimilated in but they were a small part that were participating in a specific geographical area and once again I think the really important, and sort of our- you know, science always thinks that it has all of the answers right now but we always live in an age of ignorance and that is, assuming that these current population data are adequate for this test, they’re just simply not I think if you were to be intellectually honest with yourself it just isn’t possible to really reconstruct these. What you’d have to do is you would have to find a cemetery where Nephi and everybody was buried and then do ancient DNA analysis on those individuals. But it looks like fairly quickly this population was eclipsed and this story wouldn’t be different for any of us that would move into a large foreign population. I mean, pretty soon our kids start talking like so-and-so, start acting like so-and-so. There’s only a certain number of people you can pick to be married to and if they did stay together then you have a lot of problems with recessive alleles starting to pair up and there is a lot of genetic problems with that.

And finally I like this particular quote from Elder Maxwell, he says, “Because the editing of the Book of Mormon, with its witnessing gospel of hope, occurred under divine direction, it has a focus which is essentially spiritual. Yet some still criticize the book for not being what it was never intended to be, as if one could justifiably criticize a phone directory for lack of a plot.”2 And, for all intents and purposes, that’s what we’ve been doing. (Laughter)

I guess from a personal note am I saying that we won’t ever find Ancient Near Eastern genetics? No. I think there are some tantalizing papers now that suggest that there may be European input, I would say at this time, into these ancient populations; but I’m not that familiar with that information so that’s a subject for future study. And overall, the genetic differences in the human family is pretty slight and so when we all say and speak of God’s children we are all very, very closely related at a genetic level and here we’re talking about very, very small nuances and differences when we talk about A, B, C, D and X.

I think that- well I mean we need to see in sacred scriptures its full intent and its possibilities and not really look for its limitations.

Mercifully the blessings of God and the Atonement, they don’t have genetic constrictions and how could they with an all-loving God? We’re all His children operating under the principle of free agency and the whole idea is whether or not we accept or deny that fact.

One final item is that I think that we as Latter-day Saints are too willing to accept what science or what critics have to say. We really need to be thoroughly skeptical of skeptics and critical of critics. Sometimes we are very gullible in our faith. If the boy Joseph saw Jesus Christ and God the Father in the grove what do these criticisms really matter? That is the major fact and so I would like to leave that with you and thank you once again.

(Applause)

Q: Can you comment on the DNA research done by Simon Southerton?

PARR: Simon Southerton has written a book called “Losing a Lost Tribe: DNA, the LDS Church” and so on and so forth.

For the reasons that I outlined here that book is very problematic because once again it looks at population frequencies. In fact the one graphic that I did show showing current population frequencies, if you noticed the note at the bottom was actually from his book but that’s a compilation of all the data that’s out there in the literature it suffers from this same- I hate to use the word ‘myopic’ but you just can’t look at modern populations and say, ‘This is how it was 2600 years ago.’

Population histories are really complex and many of the experts in this field say we can only hope to understand the very outlines of what happened and what went forth.

Q: In other words could I be a descendant of Lehi and yet have none of his DNA?

PARR: That’s a very good question. I think we all have this same sort of problem when we do our genealogy and again on a DNA basis we’re all very closely related; and I think we’re making Mt Everests out of speed bumps—and I mean I didn’t mean that in a rude way.

“… and yet have none of his DNA?” I don’t think God cares about DNA. If, once again, you consider the covenant of Abraham, he says that all of the nations of the world will be blessed. How could that be genetic? If we’re all created in His image and, if you look at DNA, it’s this divine sculpted molecule that’s incredible. We are His children. If you want to have to claim that you’re from Lehi or so on and so forth, to me, from my perspective, that’s not- I don’t know. I mean, my ancestors could’ve fought at the Battle of Hastings in 1066; I would be very thrilled if they did. Well sheesh they would’ve had to have made it didn’t they? They couldn’t have got killed! (Laughter) But, I still probably have none of their DNA in me.

SCOTT GORDON (President of FAIR): So it’s possible to have none of his DNA?

PARR: It’s possible to have none of his DNA but you could have one of these lines coming down showing that you are a direct descendant. But remember you’re related to all the other people in line as well.

Q: The African tribe, the Lemba, have been easily shown to be descendants of Hebrew migration. They also heavily intermarried with the locals. What is different with Lehi’s migration?

PARR: That’s a very good question and first of all, once again, we don’t know the nuances behind that genetic migration and that’s based on Y chromosomes and there were heavy, heavy Y chromosome populations.

Once again if you read in 2 Chronicles these men had multiple wives and all they list are the sons and so, what’s interesting about the Lemba is they have those chromosomes but they also have African chromosomes so the time schedule there may be different. Say they had 50 percent had Y chromosomes that were Jewish and 50 percent didn’t that says to me that these groups are going to fixation in another direction and if you look at them, they look African. So, I mean you can’t say that there isn’t this integration taking place and once again we don’t know. I mean if there were multiple migrations into this area, and I’m not an expert on this, then you get this genetic reinforcement. Sort of like, you know, at the beginning of the last century we always hear the story of the Titanic and the White Star Lines, those ships were actually built to carry immigrants to the New World and that’s what I’m saying. Here, we have this reinforcement from Europe and we simply don’t know what happened to the Lemba. Was there a trail where people continued to go there? So yes, they do have this Hebrew look but physically they don’t look that way and half of them genetically aren’t.

So are you going to say that those half that don’t have those markers are not Abraham’s children? So this is where we really run into problems.

And the difference with Lehi’s migration is that Lehi’s is a small kin-associated group and they left, they’re there. They’re in collision with the large population. And so those are the sorts of things you have to consider.

Notes

1 See also “Losing a Lost Tribe: Native Americans, DNA, and the Mormon Church: Missing the Boat to Ancient America . . . Just Plain Missing the Boat” by Ryan Parr in The FARMS Review, vol. 17, 2005. pp 83-106. < http://farms.byu.edu/publications/reviewvolume.php?volume=17&number=1 > (accessed on 6 March 2006).

2 Not My Will, But Thine by Neal A. Maxwell, p. 29.

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The Case for Historicity: Discerning the Book of Mormon’s Production Culture


As an article of faith, Latter-day Saints affirm that “We…believe the Book of Mormon to be the word of God.” (8th Article of Faith). The book itself declares that it is “it is an abridgment of the record of the people of Nephi, and also of the Lamanites.” (Title Page of the Book of Mormon). While it is possible for the word of God to not be a history, most Latter-day Saints understand that it is not possible for this book to be the word of God if it is not the history it claims to be. As Kent P. Jackson declared: “[The] historicity [of the Book of Mormon] is fundamental to what it is and what it intends to accomplish.”1 The acceptance or rejection of the Book of Mormon as scripture often hinges on the acceptance or rejection of the Book of Mormon as history.

Lou Midgley described the basic lines of the historical debate: “There is nothing in the Book of Mormon…that suggests that it should be read as anything other than historical fact. On the other hand, critics of the Book of Mormon have always insisted that it is a product of the nineteenth century–that it reflects the thinking and the world of Joseph Smith (or one of his contemporaries) immediately prior to its publication.”2 In keeping with the dichotomous appraisal of the prophet Joseph Smith by believer and critic, both believers and critics tend to approach the question of when the text was written as an either/or proposition. For the critics this is essential, for any indication of authentic antiquity would appear to validate its historicity and therefore Joseph Smith’s claim that it represents a translation of an ancient document. For the believer, however, the faithful declaration of antiquity has led to such a focus on the ancient world that the rather obvious aspects of modern production receive little attention.

Believers seldom recognize that it really is undeniable that the conditions of the American Northeast left their imprint on the text. For instance, it was published in English, not French. Had Joseph Smith lived not too much farther northeast, “adieu” would never have been controversial.3 A slightly different set of political pressures in England in the 1600s would have kept the Geneva Bible as the standard for the English language, and the Book of Mormon would never have so clearly imitated the style of the King James Bible.4

The problem for the historian is that the Book of Mormon declares a dual creation. The plate text is declared to be ancient. The translation, however, in inextricably associated with Joseph Smith. This dual production complicates the issue, but not beyond similar efforts to understand the historicity of the Bible. The Bible, in English, is also a translation. It also faces a difference between a known history and a textually asserted history. It proposes similar issues about whether the textually asserted history might reflect actual events or only literature or myth. Historian Baruch Halpern provides an interesting analogy that he created to describe approaches to the Bible. It is appropriate to our discussion of the historicity of the Book of Mormon:

The image of the map clarifies [the various approaches to the Bible as history]. The map, say of Europe, includes cities and highways of the tenth century, of the eleventh century and so on, continuing into our own time. In effect the confessionalist maintains that all those cities were on the map from the start, that God created Europe, and the map, in the tenth century. Critical study divulges that this is not so, that some of the cities and highways appeared later, and it is the job of the historian to determine when each town, highway, and so on, was added. Negative fundamentalists, however, date the whole map by its latest elements. Because the map reflects a view from the twentieth century, they argue, it cannot be used to get at earlier times.5

Just as does the Bible, the Book of Mormon has its confessionalists who accept the text uncritically. It is also susceptible to what Halpern calls “negative fundamentalists” precisely because it has a history that is demonstrably related to the nineteenth century American Northeast. The historian’s task for the Book of Mormon is one of analyzing the various roads in its map and discerning the time period in which they were created.

Our task would be infinitely easier if we had (and could read) the original plates of Mormon. Lacking those plates makes our task more difficult, but not impossible. There are ways that we can use the modern text to examine its possible relationship to a different and ancient culture. In archaeology, contextual clues can help date the various roads of the European map to determine when they were laid down. Textual archaeology similarly requires contextual clues to determine the time and culture that created the text. We are looking for what may be termed the production culture of each “road” in the text; that is, the conditions and assumptions prevalent when the text was produced.

It is virtually impossible for a text to be without some trace of its production culture. Orson Scott Card described the problem this way: “[Joseph Smith’s] work should proclaim itself to be a phony on every page today. This is because every storyteller, no matter how careful he is, will inadvertently confess his own character and the society he lives in. He can make every conscious effort, he can be the best educated scholar you could possibly find, but if he tries to write something that is not of his own culture he will give himself away with every unconscious choice he makes. Yet he’ll never know he’s doing it because it won’t occur to him that it could be any other way.”6

A similar explanation from a social-historian’s perspective comes from Bruce J. Malina, professor of theology at Creighton University, and Richard L. Rohrbaugh, professor of religious studies at Lewis and Clark College: “Readers and writers always participate in a social system that provides the clues for filing in between the lines. Meanings are embedded in a social system that is shared and understood by all participants in any communication process.”7 When both the reader and the writer share the same social system, meaning may be communicated with reasonable clarity because the shared social system provides common ground for understanding. When the writer leaves spaces between the lines, the shared social system fills them in. The problem with historical texts is that what was written anciently was written not only in a different time, but for a different time. The production culture is different from the reading culture.

Malina and Rohrbaugh explain the resulting problem: “Although meanings not rooted in a shared social system can sometimes be communicated, such communication inevitably requires extended explanation because a writer cannot depend on the reader to conjure up the proper sets of related images or concepts needed to complete the text.”8

In Orson Scott Card’s world there is a great deal of extended explanation. This is not simply the nature of the literary effort. It is the nature of an attempt to explain the unusual–that which is not shared with the contemporary reader. Science fiction as a genre frequently demands both the creation of the unusual and extended descriptions that make the unusual understandable. One of the differences between the Book of Mormon and imaginative literature is precisely in this missing level of detail. It claims to be a representative of the unusual, but it rarely explains why or how it is unusual. The historical question is whether this lack of explanation is because there are no unusual features, or because the text was written in a time and place when they were not unusual and therefore did not need explanation.

The Reader vs. the Writer

As we begin to dig into the Book of Mormon’s historical layers there is an important distinction that should be made in the type of data we analyze. Malina and Rohrbaugh reminded us that there are two participants in the text; both writer and reader. There is great danger that a reader’s culture will influence the perception of the writer’s culture. They explain: “We have…suggested that each time a text is read by a new reader, the fields of reference tend to shift and multiply because of the reader’s cultural location. Among some literary theorists this latter phenomenon is called ‘recontextualization.’ This term refers to the multiple ways different readers may ‘complete’ a text as a result of reading it over against their different social contexts.”9

They describe this process using the Lukan story of the inn at Bethlehem:

Consciously or unconsciously we have often used mental images or scenarios drawn from modern American experience to fill in the unwritten pictures that complete the text. Thus, when Luke tells us that the family of Jesus could find no room in the inn at Bethlehem, it is not difficult for most Americans to construct the scene. We do it from our modern experience of overbooked hotels or motels in crowded locations. That such a “scenario” is completely inappropriate, however, never dawns on many American readers. They simply do not know that ancient Bethlehem had no hotels, that advance reservations were an unknown phenomenon and, more important, that room in any village lodging was based on kinship or social rank rather than offered on a first-come-first-served basis.10

The result is that: “Meanings realized in reading texts inevitably derive from a social system. Reading is always a social act. If both reader and writer share the same social system and the same experience, adequate communication is highly probable. But if either reader or writer comes from a different social system, then, as a rule, nonunderstanding–or at best misunderstanding–will be the result.”11

The problem of misunderstanding based on the reader’s culture is immediately applicable to understanding the Book of Mormon. The text does not explicitly declare its geographic location and so the reader must supply some external understanding in order to locate the action in time and place. With no other available context, the original response to the Book of Mormon was built from the reader’s environment. Books such as Ethan Smith’s View of the Hebrews and Josiah Priest’s American Antiquities12 were influential in their own right, but probably represented a codification and expansion of popular opinion that formed part of the information environment of the early Saints. Not surprisingly, those Saints read the Book of Mormon against that background.13

It has proven overwhelmingly tempting, for some, to assume that this reader’s context necessarily informs the text’s production culture. Doing so, however, creates the possibility that the analysis demonstrates the recontextualization rather than the original text. We must be careful to examine the writer’s production culture, not the reader’s. Fortunately, scholarship both in and outside of the Church has developed to the point where we no longer need supply a nebulous nineteenth-century understanding to our reading of the Book of Mormon. Examination of the textual clues to geography has led to a new context in which it may be placed. The current best Latter-day Saint scholarship suggests that the Book of Mormon took place in a limited area of the region known as Mesoamerica.14

The explosion of secular scholarship concerning Mesoamerican cultures in the last fifty years has created a newly available historical picture. The Book of Mormon may now be compared to two different and reasonably well-known potential production cultures: the American Northeast of the nineteenth century and Mesoamerica from the times claimed by the Book of Mormon.

The Nineteenth Century Production Culture and the Translation Layer

Apart from the obvious nineteenth-century elements of language and imitative style, other features strongly suggest that the nineteenth century Northeast was their production culture. Mark Thomas discusses the similarity of certain phrases in the Book of Mormon to the evangelical vocabulary recorded in documents contemporary to Joseph Smith: “In addition to biblical phrases, evangelicals had their own conventional phrases or formulas for describing conversion: ‘redeeming love,’ ‘to taste redeeming love,’ ‘to hear the shouts of redeeming love,’ and ‘to sing the song of redeeming love,’ a phrase that also appears in the Book of Mormon (Alma 5:26).”15

Both the specificity of the phrase and the theological context in which it appears locate this phrase in Joseph Smith’s cultural background. Although not proof, it is strong evidence suggesting that the phrase “to sing the song of redeeming love,” as found in Alma 5:26, comes from a nineteenth-century production culture.

If our English text were claimed to be an original ancient document, the presence of this phrase (and others like it), which may be localized in both time and space to Joseph Smith’s era, would be strong evidence that the production culture of the entire work was modern, not ancient. Similarly, phrases that obviously copy or echo the King James Version New Testament would be strong indications of anachronism–if the English text were considered to be the original text.

Such anachronisms of vocabulary, however, may be indictments of the translation and not necessarily the underlying text. For instance, the King James Bible speaks of candles. In the ancient Mediterranean, candles would be an anachronism as oil lamps provided most light. Although technically incorrect, the anachronistic term “candle” may be confidently ascribed to the translator, not the original text. The textual road itself was laid down much earlier. It is the translation “road” that was laid down at a later time and reflects concepts appropriate to the time of translation rather than the time of the original.

Of course the Book of Mormon presents a problem because we do not have the original text in the original language. We do not have the ability to consult the original language to confidently separate vocabulary issues into text or translation. Nevertheless, because it claims to be a translation, we must treat the English text as the translation layer, not the original. When we find phrases or vocabulary that reflect a nineteenth-century production culture, we cannot tell immediately whether they are artifacts of the underlying text or of the translation.

William Clements, a professor in the Department of English, Philosophy, and Languages at Arkansas State University, points out this very problem in a nineteenth-century translation of a Native American document. Rufus Sage translated a BrulÈ narrative into English in 1846. Similar to the Book of Mormon, the original is no longer available. Similar to the Book of Mormon, aspects of the translation indicate the time period in which that translation was made:

Several elements of this text probably derive more from Sage than from the oral narrator. For instance, the scenic description (the “silvery spring overhung by drags and shaded by cottonwoods”) must reflect the romantic literary esthetic of Sage’s time. The careful pacing of the narrative with each phase of its progress fully explained and related to earlier phrases suggests the hand of the textmaker, as does the attention to detail in the dialogue, especially the story-within-the-story. Throughout the text, the language strikes twentieth-century ears as too formal for a story of this sort–a personal anecdote devoid of apparent ritual associations. And one must wonder to what extent the English words Sage has employed in his text represent what the narrator actually said. For example, Sage uses the English terms “conflict,” then “fray,” and then “fight.” Are these translations of the same Lakota word? If Sage’s three words in fact reflect real variations in the narrator’s diction, do they catch the different shadings of the original Lakota vocabulary? The mixture of somewhat formal, “literary” English usages (for instance, “a face suffused in blood”) with stereotypical “Indianisms” (“Three moons sped”) also raises questions about the tonal level of the text. Yet Sage did not see himself as being unfaithful to his originals.

Regarding another text he made from a BrulÈ story, he wrote, “In penning the above I was guided solely by the leading incidents as related in my hearing.” In truth, though, he was also guided by his sense of the literary–of what was necessary to make a good tale in a written European language.16

Sage’s attempt at a faithful translation of a Native American document shows evidence of its production culture, just as we would expect. There are phrases and themes that almost certainly derive from the translator’s culture rather than the culture of the original narrator. Quite apart from the text being translated, the English version places the translation’s production culture in the 1800s.

This is precisely the problem with have with the Book of Mormon. We have evidence of the modern production culture precisely at the level of the vocabulary of the English text. When we see parallels of phrases that are similar to other documents we may suspect that the translation layer is contaminated with the culture that produced those phrases. What we cannot say for certain, however, is whether or not such contaminations that make the Book of Mormon read as “a good tale in a written European language” have any relationship to the underlying text.

Assessing the Production Culture of Structural Elements

In order to more accurately assess the production culture of the Book of Mormon, we must move beyond items that are based on vocabulary. One place where the subconscious production culture should be most evident is in the event structures: those places where we see a concept being employed in the text rather than being explained in the text.

A feature that is often argued to point toward a modern production culture for the Book of Mormon is the text’s description of political sentiment. Richard L. Bushman describes one such claim: “The late Thomas O’Dea, a sympathetic but critical scholar, thought that ‘American sentiments permeate the work.’ ‘In it are found the democratic, the republican, the anti-monarchial, and the egalitarian doctrines that pervaded the climate of opinion in which it was conceived and that enter into the expressions and the concerns of its Nephite kings, prophets, and priests as naturally as they later come from the mouths of Mormon leaders preaching to the people in Utah.'”17

Evidence for O’Dea’s position would come from seeing the text’s insistence on the “voice of the people” as evidence of a democratic urge and Mosiah’s condemnation of monarchies as reflective of republican sentiment. Those features certainly reflect a modern vocabulary. The question is whether they behave in modern ways when we see those principles operating in the text.

Bushman elsewhere described his attempt to discover the democratic and republican features of the Book of Mormon:

When I was asked to give some talks in Utah during the bicentennial of the American Revolution, I decided to examine the political principles embodied in the Book of Mormon and make some application to our Revolution and Constitution. I thought this would be simple enough because of the switch from monarchy to a republic during the reign of Mosiah. I was sure that somewhere in Mosiah’s statements I would find ideas relevant to the modern world. With that in mind, I accepted the invitation to talk, but not until a few months before I was to appear did I get down to work. To my dismay I could not find what I was looking for. Everything seemed just off the point, confused and baffling. I could not find the directions for a sound republic that I had expected.18

Along with O’Dea, Bushman apparently believed that the democratic vocabulary of the translation layer would be reproduced in the event structures of the text. He continues, describing the result of his confrontation with the evidence of actions rather than vocabulary:

I long ago learned that it is better to flow with the evidence than to compel compliance with one’s preformed ideas. So I asked, instead, what does the Book of Mormon say about politics? To my surprise, I discovered it was quite an unrepublican book. Not only was Nephi a king, and monarchy presented as the ideal government in an ideal world, but the supposedly republican government instituted under Mosiah did not function that way at all. There was no elected legislature, and the chief judges usually inherited their office rather than being chosen for it.19

At this point in our analysis we have a connection to nineteenth-century politics that can be seen on the translation layer, but which cannot be confirmed on the event-structure layer. The lack of textual confirmation of vocabulary cautions us against positing a nineteenth-century production culture but it does not necessarily exclude it. Perhaps the differences were related to Joseph’s imagination, although it seems unlikely that he would use obvious terms for the inobvious structures–and leave them unexplained.

Until relatively recently, this was the end of the question. Doubt could be cast on the nineteenth-century production culture, but lacking a non-nineteenth-century culture against which comparisons could be made, there was no clear way to develop a more compelling argument. In the terms Malina and Rohrbaugh used, we had only the modern recontextualization, and not necessarily the original context.

The recognition of Mesoamerica as a plausible location for the Book of Mormon, however, gives us the opportunity to compare the text’s political structures against a different culture. The ability to read Maya texts yields a reasonable picture of Maya politics. While it has long been understood that kings reigned over the Maya cities, it is now apparent that those kings did not rule autocratically. They ruled with the assistance of a council formed from leaders of important lineages.20 Political power was held by balancing the tensions among these lineages. This is most dramatically attested in the reign of Yax Pasaj near the final years of Cop·n where he acts on monumental sculpture in company with important nobles, rather than majestically alone as most kings are represented on the monuments.21 These lineages or councils operated in buildings designated as popol nah or ‘mat houses.” The mat was the symbol of ruling power, and these buildings are therefore locations associated with the political system. They might be attached to the state, but also were present in some smaller communities. The various popol nah functioned for the debate of policy as well as centers for instruction in ritual dance.22

The great houses, or lineages, formed a governmental layer that functioned just below the monarchy and which was integral to the political process. Even under the monarchy there were political structures similar to the Nephite judges. In fact, John Pohl notes that in one of the later Mixtec codices: “The four priests…specifically conform to descriptions in the RelaciÛn de Tilantongo and elsewhere of a body of judges who administered the realm for the king.”23

In the course of history, some Mesoamerican communities appear to have followed the same political path as did the Nephites. They disposed of the position of the king. When they did so, these previous structures remained in place but were elevated to perform the centralized ruling function. There is some evidence that this took place at Teotihuac·n.24 It is much more certain that a council of lineage heads ruled in ChichÈn Itz·.25 While all of these examples post-date the Book of Mormon, there is no reason to believe that the essential political structures were significantly different in earlier times.

The Book of Mormon describes the “voice of the people” as a function of monarchy as well as of the later reign of the judges. When Mosiah declares eligible sons to become king, he seeks the voice of the people concerning which son might become king. (Mosiah 29:1-2) When Limhi becomes king, he does so according to the voice of the people. (Mosiah 7:9) The Book of Mormon represents this political feature as a continuation from the days of the monarchy, but applied to the new conditions. That continuity is evidenced in the Mesoamerican examples where the monarch has been eliminated. Descriptions of the ways the voice of the people functioned are rare, but fit better with discussions in the popol nah than as a democratic vote. (See Alma 2:3-7)

When the Book of Mormon describes a reign of judges that retains features of the monarchy, it is completely at home in a Mesoamerican setting. The shift from a king to judges is not only understandable in Mesoamerican politics, Mesoamerican political structures show us how the Nephite system plausibly moved from monarchy to judgeship. The change declared by Mosiah was not a wholesale alteration of political systems, but rather a modification of a system that elevated existing structures to new functions.

What do Book of Mormon political structures tell us about the production culture of the Book of Mormon? They tell us that the strongest evidence for a nineteenth-century production environment is limited to the translation layer; it is vocabulary based. When we attempt to see that vocabulary enacted in the text, it behaves differently from modern expectations, but in ways consonant with the plausible historical production culture. As Orson Scott Card suggested, it is in the unconscious and inobvious aspects that the text ought to show its true production culture. That is precisely the level at which the antiquity of the text’s political descriptions are most strongly attested.

The Test of Productivity

Of course an examination of political structures is only one element. The ultimate case for the historicity of the Book of Mormon will depend upon multiple similar examples. However, we have not yet finished with the ways in which the political data in the Book of Mormon may be related to a particular production environment.

Malina and Rohrbaugh pointed out that modern readers frequently recontextualize an ancient document because their social referents differ from those of the text. When the correct context is restored for the modern reader, the text takes on new vistas of meaning. For example, the book of Judges contains the story of the murder of the Moabite king Eglon by Ehud. The story begins: “But when the children of Israel cried unto the Lord, the Lord raised them up a deliverer, Ehud the son of Gera, a Benjamite, a man lefthanded.” (Judges 3:15) The text tosses in a description of Ehud as “a man lefthanded” without any explanation or reason for telling us why this might have been important to the story. As Baruch Halpern explains:

Ehud is not “lefthanded” rather, “his right hand was ‘itter.” This adjective comes from a root meaning “to bind,” and suggests that the use of the hand was somehow impeded (v. 15; cf. Ps. 69:16)… In all three texts [using “his right hand was ‘itter”] the lefthanders are Benjamites. In no other text does handedness figure. The logical inference is that Benjamin was known for producing southpaws. They could have done so as, until recently, the Maori did, by binding the right arms of young children–hence ‘bound as to his right hand”–and inculcating dexterity with the left. On this supposition Ehud was not, as the translations have it, “a man lefthanded.” He was one of a breed of men schooled in the use of the left hand for war.26

In this example, cultural data is packed into a term that is left unexplained. Read from a modern perspective, being lefthanded is a bit of non-essential data. In the cultural context that produced the description, however, it was a very important clue to Ehud’s deadly nature.

Such information is not simply nice to know. It is essential to the correct understanding of the motivations and events of the text. Given a text without context, as the Book of Mormon has been, events float unrelated and unexplained on an unknown ocean. If, however, we find the correct production culture, we should be able to supply the missing context and retrieve sense from near nonsense. If we find the correct environment, it should improve our comprehension of the text.

As a final test of the production environment for Book of Mormon politics, I will examine one of the popular stories from the Book of Mormon. The account of Ammon at the waters of Sebus is both well-known and entirely misunderstood. If we strip the story of its faith-inspiring aspects it becomes nearly nonsensical. Allow me to retell the story in a way that highlights its anomalous aspects.

  • Ammon, a traditional enemy, volunteers to be a servant for a Lamanite king. Instead of killing or jailing this enemy, the king immediately offers one of his daughters in marriage.
  • The Lamanite king has an ongoing problem with his flocks at the waters of Sebus. Several times a band of men has scattered the flocks. (See Alma 17:28.) In spite of the repeated scatterings, it never occurs to the king to send armed guards to protect them. He could have done so, because in the aftermath of these events, he suggests that armies could protect Ammon (Alma 18:21). Strangely enough, however, they couldn’t protect the flocks.
  • Mormon indicates that it is thieves who are after the flocks, but they pick a particularly difficult target. The text specifically mentions that the flocks “scattered…insomuch that they fled many ways” (Alma 17:27).
  • Ammon suggests that the he and servants round up the flocks. It does not appear that this has ever occurred to anyone before. That they were successful (Alma 17:32) confirms that the so-called thieves did not get anything for their effort. We must assume that other servants could have gathered the flocks. However, they preferred to lose their lives rather than track down the errant animals.
  • Apparently only after the flocks are scattered do the servants give Ammon the bad news: “Now the king will slay us, as he has our brethren because their flocks were scattered by the wickedness of these men.” (Alma 17:28). First the king offers him a daughter, then he sends Ammon into a situation where it is virtually certain he will be executed.
  • Ammon seems to be the only one to whom it occurred to fight back. Just as the king never supplied armed guards, there is no record of any other servant resisting. None of Ammmon’s companion servants joined in the fight.
  • In the spiritual aftermath, the king and queen are lying as though dead. When the servant Abish gathers people to see the miracle, several of those who come are relatives of those who scattered the flocks, including the brother of a man who was slain. (Alma 19:21-22) The text doesn’t tell us why the king lives among thieves.

Of course the spiritual message is the same in spite of all of these oddities. However, in a historical document we expect that the actions of the participants in the events would make some kind of sense. This is where the lack of cultural context for this tale becomes dramatically obvious. Everything that we ought to know to fill in these blanks of nonsense is missing. The motivations and reasons are not clearly explained as they would be in a science fiction story that attempted to create an unusual situation. This story is either the result of a very poor writer, or of unexplained cultural context.

Mesoamerican political tensions supply the missing content. Maya kings balanced their own power base against competing lineages. The translated texts tell of some instances that appear to indicate a change in the power balance, with a new lineage assuming the throne and creating a new dynasty. Historian David Drew describes the problem for the Maya kings:

Increasingly recognized today…is the likelihood of a constant, dynamic tension between the ruler, along with the family group, the royal lineage that surrounded him, and other powerful and long-established lineages within a city state. The centralizing success of royal dynasties almost certainly obscures the extent to which kings depended upon and negotiated with other political factions. For each dynasty of the Classic period had in earlier centuries been merely one among many such patrilineages or kin-groups. It is impossible to know with any precision how ruling lines established themselves at the end of the Preclassic period–as war-leaders, perhaps, or as mediators in local disputes. However they came by their authority, they could only have maintained it through consent and co-operation, despite the impression of absolute power that their monuments create. From the eighth century, at Cop·n in particular, there is some evidence of the negotiation that must have gone on behind the scenes. There is little reason to believe that this kind of jostling was not seen in earlier centuries too.27

All aspects of the story of Ammon at the waters of Sebus make perfect sense against the backdrop of a Mesoamerican king struggling with competition from a powerful rival lineage. Note that when the king is discussing the incident with Ammon he asks: “tell me by what power ye slew and smote off the arms of my brethren that scattered my flocks” (Alma 18:20, emphasis added). While it is possible that the phrase “my brethren” is extremely generic, it would be very unusual to presume robbers as “brothers” of a king, and equally as unusual to include anyone outside of the city as one’s “brothers.” These thieves really are “brethren,” and that is the whole reason for the trouble. Now let me retell the story against the backdrop of political tensions with Lamoni’s “brethren.”

Ammon comes before the king and asks to be a servant. Ammon is a Nephite and therefore not only an outsider but an enemy. The king offers to make him family by marrying one of his daughters. If Ammon had accepted, he would also have accepted rule by the new family and therefore be under the king’s control. By refusing, Ammon continues to be an outsider and therefore potentially uncontrollable. The king decides to place Ammon in a position where this condition of being outside the city’s political intrigues might be advantageous: He sends him to water the flocks at Sebus.

The dumb thieves who don’t get much from their raids are actually getting everything they want. Key to understanding the story is that whatever ruse was employed to allow the fiction that they were robbers, the reality was that they were well-known to the servants and to the king. They were members of the rival lineage who were attempting to alter the balance of power. By scattering the king’s flocks they were embarrassing the king and therefore diminishing his appearance of total control. Because the rival lineage was sufficiently powerful, the king could not move against them directly without creating civil war. Therefore, the king could not send armed guards. If he killed the members of the competing lineage it would break whatever illusion of cooperation there was and instigate civil disorder. The guards cannot defend themselves for the same reason that the king could not send troops.

The king could not, however, allow the situation to completely embarrass him. Therefore the fiction of thievery is either created or allowed to remain. Because something had to be done to restore the king’s honor in the situation, the guards are punished for their “failure.” The king places the failure on the guards and executes them to demonstrate that he is still controlling the situation.

Along comes Ammon, who is an outsider to the political intrigue. Ammon is not a member of either lineage and as an outsider would be unaware of the identities of these “brethren” thieves or the delicate political situation; he is a wildcard in a high-stakes game. The king deliberately puts him into a situation where it is possible–even probable–that he will use his sword, where all other servants have held theirs. It is quite possible that the king expected Ammon to do some damage, but ultimately fail to protect the flocks. From the king’s perspective, any damage that Ammon did would improve the king’s standing in the political impasse by gaining more revenge without the political cost–because it was done by an outsider.

When Abish finds many relatives of the robbers as well as the brother of the slain “thief” close by, we have our confirmation that this is a delicate political dance. Only if the family is part of the royal court would so many relatives of outlaws be that close to the home compound of a king. That a family of a thief is that close to the king tells us that the thieves were also that close. The thieves at the waters of Sebus were not from another city. They were not miscreants ostracized from this city. They were of a family that was sufficiently prestigious that it spent time in close proximity to the king. It had to be a competing royal lineage.

This reinterpretation of the events against a Mesoamerican cultural background creates sense from the near nonsense of the contextless account. Our analysis of Book of Mormon politics tells us that not only do the structural elements trace more firmly to a Mesoamerican context, but that the Mesoamerican context provides needed information that fills in the gaps between the assumed understanding of the writer and the reader.

Conclusions

Because the Book of Mormon specifically claims to be a translation, we are obliged to examine it as a translated text. The examination of political data from the Book of Mormon highlights both the necessity and the functionality of making such an analytical separation in the way we understand our evidentiary task.

There are political terms that have an obvious similarity to the nineteenth-century production culture. However, since those similarities only exist on the level of vocabulary and cannot be seen in the way political concepts are worked out in the text, we may confidently ascribe the nineteenth-century similarities to the translation layer. It is really very easy to demonstrate that the translation layer was the result of a nineteenth-century production culture. Of course, that has never really been in question at all.

When we dive below the surface of the vocabulary of the translation and attempt to deal with the event structures of the text, the situation is dramatically different. Where the translation layer fits comfortably into the nineteenth century, the event structures are discordant with it. In the case of political structures, we find that they do not match with the expectations of vocabulary. They do, however, fit into the context of time and place that best fits the geographic features described in the text. This last type of evidence is particularly important because it comes directly from the unconscious and unwritten portions of the text.

The Book of Mormon makes complete sense as a historical document, but does so only when we place it in the correct historical context. Without the correct production culture, the text is anomalous and sometimes foreign to human experience–as in the contextless reading of Ammon at the waters of Sebus. Placed in the correct production culture where the unstated assumptions writer become explicit for the reader, the text authentically describes human motivations appropriate to that historical time and place.

Bibliography

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——. “My Belief.” BYU Studies 25, no. 2 (Spring 1985): 23-30.

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How is It That the Book of Mormon Prophet Jacob Ends His Account with the French Word ‘Adieu?’ June 2004 (http://farms.byu.edu/questionday.php?id=1).

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Malina, Bruce J., and Richard L. Rohrbaugh. Social-Science Commentary on the Synoptic Gospels. Minneapolis, Minnesota: Fortress Press, 04/06/24, 1992.

Martin, Simon, and Nikolai Grube. Chronicle of the Maya Kings and Queens. London: Thames and Hudson, 2000.

McGrath, Alister. In the Beginning: The Story of the King James Bible and How It Changed a Nation, a Language, and a Culture. New York: Anchor Books, 2001.

Midgley, Louis. “No Middle Ground: The Debate Over the Authenticity of the Book of Mormon.” In Historicity and the Latter-Day Saint Scriptures, edited by Paul Y. Hoskisson, 149-70. Salt Lake City: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 2001.

Olive, Phyllis Carol. The Lost Tribes of the Book of Mormon. Springville, Utah: Bonneville Books, 2001.

Pohl, John M. D. “The Four Priests: Political Stability.” 1994. In The Ancient Civilizations of Mesoamerica: A Reader, edited by Michael E. Smith and Marilyn A. Masson, 342-59. Malden, Massachusetts: Blackwell Publishers, 2000.

Priest, Josiah. American Antiquities and Discoveries in the West. 1834. 4th ed. Colfax: Ancient American Archaeology Foundation, N.D.

Schele, Linda, and Peter Mathews. The Code of Kings: The Language of Seven Sacred Maya Temples and Tombs. New York: Scribner, 04/06/24, 1998.

Smtih, Ethan. View of the Hebrews or the Tribes of Israel in America. 1825. 2d ed. Colfax, Wisconsin: Ancient American Archaeology Foundation, 2002.

Sorenson, John L. An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon. Provo/Salt Lake City: Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies/Deseret Book Company, 1985.

Thomas, Mark D. Digging in Cumorah: Reclaiming Book of Mormon Narratives. Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1999.

Notes

1 Kent P. Jackson, “Joseph Smith and the Historicity of the Book of Mormon,” in Historicity and the Latter-Day Saint Scriptures, ed. Paul Y. Hoskisson (Salt Lake City: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 2001), 124.

2 Louis Midgley, “No Middle Ground: The Debate Over the Authenticity of the Book of Mormon,” in Historicity and the Latter-Day Saint Scriptures, ed. Paul Y. Hoskisson (Salt Lake City: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 2001), 149-150.

3 How is It That the Book of Mormon Prophet Jacob Ends His Account with the French Word ‘Adieu?’. June 2004 (http://farms.byu.edu/questionday.php?id=1).

4 Alister McGrath, In the Beginning: The Story of the King James Bible and How It Changed a Nation, a Language, and a Culture (New York: Anchor Books, 2001). See especially chapters 5-7.

5 Baruch Halpern, The First Historians: The Hebrew Bible and History (San Francisco: Harper & Row Publishers, 1988), 4.

6 Orson Scott Card, The Book of Mormon, Artifact or Artifice? Adapted from a Speech Given at the BYU Symposium on Life, the Universe, and Everything, February 1993, June 2004 (http://www.nauvoo.com/library/card-bookofmormon.html).

7 Bruce J. Malina and Richard L. Rohrbaugh, Social-Science Commentary on the Synoptic Gospels (Minneapolis, Minnesota: Fortress Press, 04/06/24 1992), 10.

8 Ibid.

9 Ibid., 13.

10 Ibid., 11.

11 Ibid., 14.

12 Ethan Smtih, View of the Hebrews or the Tribes of Israel in America, 1825, 2d ed. (Colfax, Wisconsin: Ancient American Archaeology Foundation, 2002) Josiah Priest, American Antiquities and Discoveries in the West, 1834, 4th ed. (Colfax, Wisconsin: Ancient American Archaeology Foundation, N.D.);

13 An interesting text is Phyllis Carol Olive, The Lost Tribes of the Book of Mormon (Springville, Utah: Bonneville Books, 2001). Olive presents her evidence for a North American geography of the Book of Mormon by using the type of evidence that the early Saints would have used. While not convincing with modern data available, it is nevertheless an interesting example of the type of evidence that would have led the early Saints to their interpretation of the text.

14 See John L. Sorenson, An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon (Provo/Salt Lake City: Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies/Deseret Book, 1985) Joseph L. Allen, Exploring the Lands of the Book of Mormon (Orem, Utah: SA Publishers, 1989); F. Richard Hauck, Deciphering the Geography of the Book of Mormon: Settlements and Routes in Ancient America (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Company, 1989).

15 Mark D. Thomas, Digging in Cumorah: Reclaiming Book of Mormon Narratives (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1999), 134.

16 William M. Clements, “‘Tokens of Literary Faculty’: Native American Literature and Euroamerican Translation in the Early Nineteenth Century,” On the Translation of Native American Literatures, ed. Brian Swann (Washington and London: Smithsonian Institution Press, 04/06/23 1992), 41-42.

17 Richard L. Bushman, “The Book of Mormon and the American Revolution,” BYU Studies 17, no. 1 (Autumn 1978): 2-3.

18 Richard L. Bushman, “My Belief,” BYU Studies 25, no. 2 (Spring 1985): 27.

19 Ibid.

20 David Drew, The Lost Chronicles of the Maya Kings (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), 243.

21 Simon Martin and Nikolai Grube, Chronicle of the Maya Kings and Queens (London: Thames and Hudson, 2000).

22 Drew, The Lost Chronicles of the Maya Kings, 243. Linda Schele and Peter Mathews, The Code of Kings: The Language of Seven Sacred Maya Temples and Tombs (New York: Scribner, 04/06/24 1998), 44.

23 John M. D. Pohl, “The Four Priests: Political Stability,” 1994, in The Ancient Civilizations of Mesoamerica: A Reader, ed. Michael E. Smith and Marilyn A. Masson (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishers, 2000), 355-356.

24 “Supreme Teo political authority may not always have been strongly concentrated in a single person or lineage. R. Millon suggested that Teo might have been an oligarchic republic. The case now seems stronger, though not yet overwhelming.” George L. Cowgill, “State and Society at Teotihucan, Mexico,” 1997, in The Ancient Civilizations of Mesoamerica: A Reader, edited by Michael E. Smith and Marilyn A. Masson (Malden, Massachusetts: Blackwell Publishers, 04/06/23 2000), 315.

25 The inscriptions amongst the buildings to the south of the city center help to explain how the political system at ChichÈn Itz· worked. They do not talk of dynastic rulers and their great deeds, as in previous centuries. Instead they mention a number of individuals, with names such as ‘Kakupakal’ or ‘Kokom’, in connection with the dedication of buildings and other ceremonies, often concerned with the maintenance of sacred fires and the drilling of ‘new fire’ on important occasions in the calendar. The glyph for sibling, y-itah is used to describe the relationship between these people, suggesting rule by “brothers.” Some may indeed have been related in this way and Diego de Landa also talks of the tradition of “brothers” ruling at ChichÈn Itz·. But the phrase may best be interpreted to mean “companions” or individuals each of roughly equivalent status. They are accorded the title ahaw, but significantly none is termed k’ul ahaw or supreme, “divine lord.” What this would seem to represent is rule by council, by the heads of different lineages. At the time of the Spanish Conquest some small city states still used the term multepal, best rendered as “group rule,” to describe what was probably a very similar system Drew, The Lost Chronicles of the Maya Kings, 372.

26 Halpern, The First Historians, 40-41.

27 Drew, The Lost Chronicles of the Maya Kings, 324.

Autobiographical Notes on My Testimony

Some of you may know there was a cartoon done of me in Sunstone recently, a very flattering article about me. “Dannibel Lecter” right? (Laughter) I contacted Dan Wotherspoon about that; I wanted to know if I could get the original for framing. This will probably have to take the place because he told me Sunstone didn’t own the rights so I’d have to buy it from the artist and I’m not sure I like it that much.

What I thought I’d do today, and it strikes me as in some ways an awfully brittle and shallow thing to do after this last presentation which I regard as really in many ways very, very moving, is to offer–and I always have doubts about what I’m about to do when I start to do it–but I thought I’d offer a kind of what might come across as a kind of intellectual historical testimony. A kind of autobiography, a kind of overview of FARMS with which I’ve been involved for quite a long time, and just make some observations along the way in a kind of narrative fashion.

And you can see this as a kind of testimony. A testimony of someone who has been involved on a kind of intellectual and academic level with Mormonism for quite some time and who still finds it incredibly interesting, stimulating and even liberating and exhilarating.

I was born and raised in southern California. I was raised in a part-member family; my father was a non-member and my mother a partially active member. I can remember that my first serious thoughts about religious topics were essentially agnostic. I did not see anything particularly convincing about the Church that I was occasionally taken to–the LDS Church–or any other. It didn’t strike me as very interesting. In fact, what I can mostly remember about Church was that it seemed to me a virtually interminable series of incredibly boring meetings which is not an attitude I’ve changed altogether! (Laughter) And I realize that may be a reflection on my spiritual state, but nonetheless that’s there and that’s the fact.

I was kind of, maybe an exhibitionistically precocious kid at some points. I can remember reading Dante, and Bertrand Russell, and Nietzsche and so on at very young ages–probably not understanding much.

My father owned a construction business. I grew up in a pretty working-class family and so I made a point of reading Karl Marx at lunchtime–it seemed the thing to do. (Laughter) I mean I was a member of the working class, why not read Marx? It was interesting to me that none of the people around me found it even slightly interesting. The real working class didn’t seem to care about Karl Marx. They were all busy planning their weekend adventures in their campers and motor homes.

But I can remember, too, feeling at a very young age a kind of inchoate yearning for something a little better than what I could sense in the world around me; and this maybe is at the base of my eventual interest in the gospel even despite what I saw as the obstacle of the Church in those days. And it expressed itself to me in a number of ways. For one thing, there were certain landscapes that seemed to me just to point to something beyond themselves. It’s hard to explain what this is like, maybe some of you have sensed it, there are certain landscapes that really speak to me.

I just came back last week from a trip to Europe. I’ve been traveling an awful lot the last three months and if I fall asleep up here I apologize. I’ve been more out of the country than in and I’m not sure what time zone I’m in right now.

But for me one of the places that I spent time in, deliberately spent time in, is an area called the Berner Oberland in the Swiss Alps–that’s where I served my mission and I still regard it as the most beautiful place on the face of the earth. I mean this landscape to me is just unbelievably beautiful.

Nevertheless there’s something about it that doesn’t satisfy. It sort of like Thomas Henry Huxley who, after a performance of Hamlet, is supposed to have said, ‘That was an absolutely brilliant performance,’ but then the next thought was, ‘but is that really all there is?’ That somehow even something as good as that didn’t quite satisfy.

And to me, these landscapes, I could name some others, there’s a place in the Italian Alps that really gets me, the Canadian Rockies. For me it’s mountains–alpine scenery. There’s a sense in which I think, ‘gee, I would like to possess them in a way that simply owning them would never do.’ That is there’s something–I realize I’m just a “passer through” and that there’s some place–C.S. Lewis talked about it as the yearning for pure “Northerness” (have you ever read his autobiography Surprised by Joy?) where he said there were certain landscapes, for him they were evoked by the music of Wagner. Wagner can do that to me too (even though I realize he was a swine and a sort of proto-Nazi). Occasionally his music, or, there’s one chord in Bach’s Toccata and Fugue in D Minor that just seemed to me to suggest something beyond themselves, something that you want to get to.

And to me, as for C.S. Lewis, what this is really talking about is a yearning that can’t be satisfied by anything in this life. That the best things in this life, the best art; the best music; the best landscapes; the most beautiful places; don’t quite do it–that we were created for something else.

A great line from St. Augustine, opening passage of his Confessions where he says, “Our hearts are restless till they find rest in Thee,” addressing God. And I think that’s absolutely right. That certainly has been true for me. That there’s nothing in this world that quite satisfies.

I’ve been bothered by an acute sense of transience since I can remember. I look at flowers and I find them more depressing than anything else because I know they won’t last. I spend a lot of my career looking at crumbling documents and the ruins of buildings and can’t help but think that the people who built them and who thought they were so wonderful have been gone for a long, long time; and it’s as if, almost, they had never lived. That sense that we pass and that we’re not really at home here. To borrow the clichÈ’d old line from the sort of country spiritual, “We’re pilgrims and strangers” is really, acutely true for me.

I can remember, too, staying home once from high school–I did this on a regular basis, I was very ingenious at excuses. I can’t remember whether this was a legitimate absence or not, probably not (law of averages). And I was reading a book that we’d inherited from my grandmother called Added Upon by Nephi Anderson. Some of you may be familiar with this. I do not believe I could read it now but nevertheless at that time I picked it up and I read it; it was a product of the home literature movement in the Church around the opening of the twentieth century and it’s an account of the Plan of Salvation, basically. I had somehow never heard the Plan of Salvation in Church meetings. They must’ve explained it but it had not spoken to me.

Suddenly I saw it here, the idea of pre-existence–going through this life as a test, the spirit world, exaltation in the life to come–all these sorts of things seemed to me unbelievably powerful and I remember thinking why hadn’t anybody ever told me about this? That seemed to me and still seems to me the most powerful vision of human destiny that I can imagine; more powerful than anything I’ve ever seen.

I had experiences at that time, and they’ve continued from time to time, where I caught just glimpses, I think–what Latter-day Saints would refer to as spiritual witness–of things to come. Little glimpses into, to me, into the spirit world. Little, you know, significant dreams. I remember a really powerful dream about the death of Joseph Smith. I woke up oppressed. Just really, really depressed and oppressed as if I had been there–not at the death but at the funeral. I went to school that morning and found out that David O. McKay had just died, and I don’t know if it was sheer chance or not. I don’t think so; it didn’t feel like it to me. And that, to me, was a kind of testimony that David O. McKay was in fact the successor to Joseph Smith. You can take that for what it’s worth.

I understand atheism. I think I was one probably for a while; certainly an agnostic. I’ve never understood the joy that some people claim to feel at atheism.

During this most recent trip to Europe, we spent the better part of the day at the Concentration Camp called Mauthausen just on the Danube not too far from Linz in Austria. It was a Concentration Camp that my father was involved in the liberation of at the end of World War II as part of Patton’s Third Army, and I’ve gone there several times. This was the first time since my father’s passing and it was kind of a pilgrimage for me. And every time I go there I find it incredibly moving. That, first of all, that human beings could build a hell in such a beautiful landscape is just unfathomable to me. But then the other thing to me is I cannot understand why someone would find it liberating to know, or to believe, that this life is all there is and that therefore the people who ran that camp got to write the last act of the lives of those they killed there. Well over 100,000 people were tortured to death in that camp.

Or, to put it more close to home right now, that Mark Hacking got to write the last act of the life of Lori Hacking. This does not seem to be good news to me.

And yet I meet people from time to time who tell me it’s wonderful, it’s good to know that there is no truth to religion; that there is no life to come. I find this unfathomable.

I had a patriarchal blessing when I was in high school from a patriarch whom I’d never met, never had any contact with him thereafter. I was about 15 or 16. And my motives for going to him for a blessing were not good. I have to admit looking back on it now I had thought that patriarchal blessings were given in the temple and I thought it would be really neat to get in! (Laughter) So I applied for a patriarchal blessing and then I found out he was giving it at the chapel in Alhambra, what a boring–I mean, I’d been there dozens of times. That wasn’t interesting to me.

But the patriarchal blessing was fascinating and I’ve gone back to it many times and have been struck by how much he knew about what would subsequently happen in my life and one of the things he talked about was a desire to stand up and defend the Church which I wasn’t conscious of at the age of 15, I wasn’t even interested in it. And yet it’s turned out to be true, but that’s not a motivating force for me. That simply seems to me to be right. And my patriarchal blessing, I can’t speak to everybody’s, but it has seemed to me a genuinely prophetic document from a man that I didn’t know and who didn’t know me; a remarkable thing.

Well, I wasn’t interested in going to BYU. I applied to BYU, got in. I really wanted to go to Cal Tech, which was not far from where I grew up. Let me tell you a little story that happened to me.

A man came out to interview me from Cal Tech, from the mathematics faculty there, and unfortunately the day he came to interview me I had just been thrown out of my physics class. It was an unfortunate experience–the teacher was showing a film about physics and anyway we were playing Frisbee with tortillas while the film was going and he stood up at the wrong time and I hit him in the head. (Laughter)

So when the man came to interview me, I was to be called out of my physics class, but I was actually sitting in the principal’s office, which was embarrassing because I was also student body president. It was not a good day.

The interview went really well, I thought, until a certain point when he said (and I guess I must’ve written this on my application), he said, ‘Well I see that you’re–what is this? Secretary of your priest’s quorum? What is that?’

Well I started explaining what it was and then he got into the issue of what we just talked about–the question of blacks and the priesthood. And this was somewhat before the revelation of 1978. And he wanted to know how I could explain this. It sounded awfully racist to him. And I was thinking, well not only does it sound awfully racist but I’m toast! This is not what I want to talk about in my application interview for Cal Tech.

And he asked really awkward questions and I struggled and struggled and struggled; and then at the end of it he said, ‘Well, you did reasonably well. My name is Peter Crowley,’ I mean I already knew that, ‘I’m in the mathematics department at Cal Tech and I’m the advisor to the priest’s quorum in the South Pasadena Ward!’ (Laughter) I’ve never forgiven him for that; it was absolute cruelty.

I don’t know whose decision it was, whether it had something to do with that or not, but I did not get into Cal Tech, which was good because I really would’ve hated it because it turned out I didn’t want to be a mathematician or a cosmologist; I wanted to be something else. So I decided to go to BYU.

And, I started off as a mathematics’ major, soon discovered that while I admired mathematicians I didn’t want to be one. In the meantime I had enrolled in a Greek history class. I loved that, absolutely loved it, so I switched over and majored in Greek. Came under the spell of Nibley of course.

I’d been reading Nibley for some years and for most–many of us involved in FARMS–Nibley is the guy who’s responsible for that. I mean, at some point or another we came under his spell and I’d have to say that ever since then I’ve been looking at his work and trying to do some of my own. I realize that Nibley is capable of error; he is not inerrant. This or that point will be wrong, many points will be wrong. A lot of the substance will be wrong. But I’m convinced that the pattern and the general approach are precisely right. I’ve just been fascinated in trying to carry on with some of the work that Nibley began.

I found BYU fascinating. It was a smorgasbord. I nearly, well, my principle was to sign up for a class and then immediately lose interest in the topic of the class because there were so many other things, so I spent time going to every lecture but the ones I was enrolled in; going to every seminar; attending every play; every lecture; reading all the books except the ones I needed to read. So it was a kind of a checkered undergraduate career. A’s and, well, I specialized in “vowels.” (Laughter)

Fortunately I was saved from myself by being called on a mission to Switzerland, which was a fascinating experience for me. I learned quite a few things in Switzerland. I became sort of an expert on dealing with critics. I don’t know why. Got drafted into all sorts of situations.

One experience, in particular; I remember tracting out a woman in Beatenberg, just above the Thunersee, Lake Thun, in Switzerland. A beautiful place up on a mountainside there and there’s a Protestant Bible home there, an evangelical biblical college there. Tracted this woman and the woman said, ‘My husband isn’t home yet but he should be home in about five minutes and then he’ll tell you where you’re wrong.’

I thought, ‘Oh this sounds interesting. Let’s stay around.’

Well he came in and he sat us at a big seminar table in his home and he brought out a stack of books, including Greek lexicons and all this sort of thing, and then he looked at us and sort of smirked and laughed, and said, ‘Well, you don’t know Greek do you? Ha-ha-ha!’ You know, going to nail these ignorant Mormon missionaries.

Well, I had by then transferred to a Greek major and so I pulled my little Greek New Testament out of my pocket which I just happened to have with me and I said, ‘Well it’s my specialty at the university.’

And I wish that I had had a camera because the smile faded from his face, he never brought up the Greek lexicons, no manner of Greek ever came up. Now he probably could’ve killed me because I’d only had, I think, first year Greek at that point. He probably was a lot better than I was but the thing was he didn’t know that he could kill me and that was what it was all about. It was about intimidation and bluffing. And I bluffed back (feeling quite nervous) and he folded.

Well I’ve learned since then that bluffing is a great deal of anti-Mormonism. People claiming to know things they don’t know, people trying to intimidate the yokel Mormons and sometimes you just have to stand up to them.

It was in Switzerland that I met some notable people; Stephen Ricks and I were missionary companions for example. We didn’t do a lot of useful missionary work I think; of course, I’m not sure whether in Switzerland that was even an option. (Laughter) But I remember some mornings getting up and knocking on a door and then we’d get into a conversation and it would be twenty minutes before we knocked on the next door. And then maybe there would be another door that morning. Meanwhile, we were having a fascinating conversation about this or that work of Nibley or ancient Egyptian temple ritual or something like that, and a friendship began with that that has gone on and on for a long time, so that for me coming to the Department of Asian and Near Eastern Languages at BYU and coming to FARMS was sort of like a perpetual missionary reunion.

We now have working with us, for example, our Director of Development, Ed Snow, who’s sitting on the back row back there who was also a missionary in Switzerland–so it’s like old home week. A lot of fun there.

I came back, graduated from BYU in Greek and decided I wanted to do something else. I had become very interested in Arabic and so I decided that I wanted to go over to the Middle East and study.

I applied to the American University in Cairo. I should’ve learned a lot about Egypt from the way this worked out. I applied to them, they didn’t respond. The deadline passed for my going over. I kept writing to them and saying, ‘Please, let me know if I’ve been accepted.’ No response.

I finally remember writing them a letter and saying, ‘If you’ve turned me down, I can handle it. Just tell me one way or the other.’ Well they never responded and finally I joined up with the BYU Semester Abroad program with Kent Brown, went over, worked out my own special sort of graduate program. We went to Egypt, I dropped in at the Admissions Office at the university there and they said, ‘Oh yeah, we accepted you. Here’s your letter.’ And it was dated that morning, they had written it out because I had called and said I was coming. (Laughter) And, it was accepting me to a term that had begun two months previously. Well this is very nice, thank you, great.

So I spent time in Jerusalem and in Jerusalem that was another great experience. I remember I was teaching the gospel doctrine class there in Jerusalem and, some of you know this story, when I was in high school lots of people did wholesome activities–I spent a lot of time studying guerilla warfare. I was very interested in guerilla warfare theory.

I read Che Guevara, and Mao Tse-tung, and Vo Nguyen Giap, and all the great Marxists theorists of guerilla warfare, and I didn’t really know why; I just found it really interesting. I told somebody this story that it later got me in trouble at BYU because I was involved in the Honors Program and they used to have us fill out an “Individual Curriculum Planning Form” where we had to tell what courses we were taking, what our career goal was and how the courses were preparing us for that. I hated filling out the forms; I’ve always had sort of an anarchistic streak in me–I’m something of a Libertarian. So I tended not to turn those in and that tended to make them angry, and so finally they were really on me once and I turned one in, I think it was not long after Patty Hearst had been arrested after her involvement with the Symbionese Liberation Army (some of you will remember that). She had given her career as “urban guerilla.”

Well I thought, ‘Now that’s a good job description.’ (Laughter) So, I turned in my form and said that my career goal was to become an urban guerilla and then I made up a list of courses that I was taking: ROTC courses, civil engineering bridge-design courses and things like that, and sent it in. And I discovered that the administration of the Honors Program at the time was severely humor impaired because I spent the better part of the next couple of weeks having interviews with various dignitaries at BYU. This was only the first of at least two times that that’s happened–the subsequent time as a faculty member, but I won’t get into that one. That’s when I first met Elder Holland. (Laughter)

But in Jerusalem it came in handy because I was teaching gospel doctrine there and we were getting to the section at the end of Helaman and the beginning of 3 Nephi where the Gadianton robbers are very active and it suddenly dawned on me that what you had in the case of the Gadianton robbers was an absolute textbook, by the book, example of guerilla warfare theory in practice both in their successes and in their failures. So this was the genesis of an article that I later put together on the Gadianton robbers as guerilla warriors which I still think is pretty good, actually. I think there’s a lot more going on there than we have normally seen and that it’s quite foreign to Joseph Smith’s own military ideas–which seemed to have involved dressing up and parading in front of the Nauvoo Legion on his horse, Charlie, and all of the romanticism that went along with, you know, growing up shortly after the Revolutionary War with fife and drum. There’s none of that in the Book of Mormon, it’s grim, realistic, un-heroic, un-romantic, un-chivalrous warfare in the Book of Mormon; quite unlike Joseph Smith’s possibly romantic notions.

Okay, came back, got married, dragged my wife off to Egypt–it seemed like a good way to test the waters, either the marriage would work or it wouldn’t, right? I learned later that she thought she was going to be going over and actually pounding out our laundry on rocks by the Nile, so there’s a certain heroism in her willingness to go.

But just before we left for Egypt, I remember we were at my brother’s house and we had missed his ward meeting and I decided to look up and see what other meetings were available for us to go to on a Sunday. I looked up in the directory and there was an entry for the Church of Jesus Christ of Ex-Latter-day Saints. I thought, ‘Now that’s interesting. I’ll give them a call.’ So they had a little message thing where you could leave a message on a recording and I did, expressing my opinion, by the way, of the way they’d listed themselves in the phone book. And that led to an interesting correspondence but it also led–it was maybe the first really clear illustration I’d had of the willingness of some anti-Mormons to, in my opinion, deceive; to package their materials in such a way as to seduce the unwary. I’ve seen plenty of illustrations since.

I should say that I’d already seen an illustration, too, of how bad some of them can be, on my mission. I had the occasion of visiting with the man who was by all accounts the ‘grand guru’ of anti-Mormons in Switzerland (whom I will not name, he’s departed, I learned during this last trip) but I had occasion to actually visit him in his home–the mission president being out of the country. A letter came to mission headquarters and I, being sort of free, decided that we would go out and visit him and I was amazed at how little he knew. This was the man who appeared on television, who appeared on the radio, who wrote articles about us in the newspapers–he had not even read Jesus the Christ, and yet he was the “great academic expert.” You learn a lot of things from those encounters.

We went off to Cairo. Now this has been the genesis of my real career–being involved with Islamic studies. There are a number of things that I could say about that, but let me just say this; there are a couple of things that I formulated while I was there. First of all, it is important to me in understanding other religions and expecting other people to approach mine the same way–that people put their best effort into really understanding what they’re looking at rather than forming judgments prior to understanding.

And I had an experience there that sort of brought this home to me. An Egyptian friend of mine, very articulate, well educated young fellow, a chemistry master’s student, took me off to visit one of his professors at the University of Cairo. We got to talking about religion, of course. The fellow wanted to know was I a Muslim? And I said, ‘No.’ And he said, ‘Why not?’ which always struck me as a rather awkward question in Egypt, and I decided to be affirmative about it and say, ‘Well I’m a Christian. I believe that Jesus is the Son of God and that He atoned for our sins.’

He said, ‘How can you possibly believe anything so stupid as that?’ He said, ‘How can you possibly believe that God has a son? Anybody with any brain in his head knows that God doesn’t have a son, first of all. Secondly, anybody with a brain in his head would know that God would never have to send His son to earth to buy Himself off and torture His son to death.’

And I said, ‘Well you know, put that way it doesn’t sound very rational.’ But that is in fact, somewhat, what I believe. That’s pretty much what I believe. The lesson I drew from that is simply this: that, first of all, it’s possible to caricature any other belief, even one that’s pretty serious and has a lot of merit to it, and make it look stupid.

The other thing is simply this, that there have been thousands and hundreds of thousands of brilliant people in the history of Christendom–Thomas Aquinas, Kirkegaard, people like that–who believe just about that; and so it seems to me if you can’t understand why intelligent people, spiritually sensitive, serious people, believe in something that clearly they did believe in, then the problem is with you more than it is with them. You haven’t ‘got it.’ You haven’t made a serious effort to try to understand why they would find that meaningful.

And, I’ve been really fond since then, learning of Krister Stendahl’s three points about understanding other religions; some of you have heard me talk about this before I think. Stendahl–this was a case where the Stockholm Temple was being constructed and there was some opposition as there often is to the building of the temple, there in Stockholm. And so Krister Stendahl, who was the former dean of the Harvard Divinity School but was at the time the Bishop of Stockholm, offered to come and speak and give a press conference and he asked if he could do it at the LDS stake center adjacent to the temple grounds.

Now I think a lot of people must have assumed that being Bishop of Stockholm, a Lutheran Bishop, he would come and denounce the temple although the choice of the stake center as a venue to do that was probably a little odd and disconcerting.

Well, when he got there, first of all he endorsed the building of the temple, he has lots of LDS friends and was more than willing to do this. But then he laid out three principles for dealing with other religions, which I found very instructive, and I may have even tried them on you here before. If so, I apologize, but they’re really worth repeating. They’re pretty obvious on one level and not so obvious on another.

The first principle was, if you want to learn about a religious faith, don’t go to its enemies, go to its adherents. Now that seems obvious to me but a lot of people violate that on a regular basis.

The second one was if you’re going to compare your faith to somebody else’s faith, don’t compare your best with their worst. It’s not fair to say for example, ‘Well we Christians have Mother Teresa and you have Osama bin Laden.’ That’s not quite fair. (Laughter) They have their Mother Teresa’s and we have our Osama’s. Every religion has bad people and every religion has good people and you should try to compare best with best.

The third one, the one that I find most interesting, is he says, ‘always leave room for what he called holy envy.‘ What he meant by that was you should always be willing to look at another religious faith and say, ‘What is it that they do really well? That they have that I really admire and that I would love to see incorporated into my own religious faith, practice or belief?’ And if you do that then interreligious dialogue becomes not so much a matter of being politically correct or being polite or preening yourself on how very tolerant you are. It becomes an occasion for learning and for growing from learning from other people. And I think that’s an extraordinarily valuable lesson to learn.

While I was in Cairo I discovered that, maybe what I’d not realized so fully before, that Mormonism was an extremely useful lens through which to view other religious traditions and through which to formulate questions.

I had the occasion, during a class with probably one of the most remarkable academic curmudgeons I’ve ever known, there was a professor there at the American University in Cairo, to write a paper on the akhi and futuwwa movement in medieval Islam. I won’t go into a long explanation of this, they’re kind of related to the labor guilds that grew up in later Islam. But they originated as religious mystical movements, Sufi movements really, and they had interesting rituals involving clothing–and, well I won’t get into all that, but they were very interesting for a number of reasons. They have temple aspects to me and they have guerilla warfare aspects. One group, who were devout mystics, also called themselves ‘robbers’ and they would hide up in the mountains and launch raids down on dissident groups and things like that–it was just really interesting on a lot of levels.

I wrote a paper on this and this curmudgeonly professor loved it but he wanted to know why I had devoted so much time and energy to what he regarded as the biggest non-subject in the history of Islam. I couldn’t tell him that I was already busy grinding my Islamicist/apologist axe and the things that really interested me about them were that they seemed so parallel to things that I could see in the Book of Mormon or in ancient history as I viewed it as a Latter-day Saint. That led eventually to some of the research I’ve done on, well, not only the Gadianton robbers but some unpublished things that relate to that topic that I hope to get to eventually.

It was also in Cairo that I met Bill Hamblin, for better or for worse, we’ve led each other on a continuing spiral downward ever since. (Laughter)

Came back to the United States and began graduate study at the University of California at Los Angeles. I had always been trained up till then in Sunni places, regarded Iran as the world’s largest open-air lunatic asylum, Shiites as basically insane; so it was only right that my advisor in graduate school be a Shiite. And so then I did my dissertation on a Shiite topic and not only Shiites but the weirdest of the Shiite’s groups, the Ismaili Shiites, who gave us the very word assassin–just a lovely group in so many ways. (Laughter)

That was an eye-opening experience for me. I had good friends in graduate school, some of you will laugh; one of my best friends with whom I had endless very inspirational gospel discussions, a fellow by the name of Todd Compton, was working on a degree in classics at the time. Terry Zinck was there working in Ebla Studies, still has some great things to publish on that.

While I was there I thought at one point, and this is relevant, there actually will be some substance to this talk I’m leading up to it, don’t worry. Or maybe I’ll run out of time and I can use it for next year, I’ll have a topic! (Laughter)

But I decided in one course that I wanted to do something on the Qur’an, I wanted to look at one particular passage in the Qur’an. You may remember, some of you, that Hugh Nibley wrote an article and published it in Revue de Qumran a number of years ago called “Qumran and the Companions of the Cave.” And I thought, well, okay, Islamic studies and Arabic was just a sideline for Nibley. I’ve heard for a long time (and so have you probably) that Nibley’s work really isn’t that good. That if you checked the footnotes it doesn’t hold up, you know. He wasn’t that good a scholar, he’s sloppy, and he’s careless, and you can’t trust him, and he’s just a dishonest Mormon apologist. So I thought (you know, which now I am) (Laughter). So, anyway…

But it seemed to me a good opportunity to look at that passage. There’s a passage in one of the Surahs of the Qur’an, one of the chapters, that talks about the Companions of the Cave and Nibley argued that this was a garbled recollection of the Dead Sea Scrolls community and he had cited a number of Arabic sources.

I thought it would be child’s play for an Arabist to check out Nibley’s footnotes and then expand beyond them to see if his argument really held up. Well, what really struck me about it was, when I started getting into the article, how many Arabic sources he had looked at; how much work he had done and how precisely right it was.

Now I can only say that it was right to a certain extent because I didn’t get through it all. I just thought, yeah, of course he wasn’t very good at this; this was just a hobby of his. Well, it may have been; it just shows how much better he is than I am. But, I found, in that case where I looked at a piece of serious Nibley writing, that he was right on every point that he made, that his footnotes were meticulously accurate, that he had really gotten the Arabic sources down, which really impressed me. And so now when people say, ‘Yeah, well he just misrepresents his sources.’ I suggest they go have a look at the (Inaudible) or something like that if they want to check it. They usually don’t.

One of the great events for me during that time at UCLA was the publication of Keith Norman’s doctrinal dissertation in 1980–well it wasn’t published, but distributed–with the catchy title (and some of you have heard me talk about this) “Deification and the Content of Athanasian Soteriology.” Isn’t that a lovely title? What this is about is the phrase that was so recurrent in early Christianity, essentially ‘God became man so that man could become God’ which goes back to earliest Christian times. We don’t know where it started, it’s already being cited in the first few centuries as an old statement that everybody knows and it turns out to have been fundamental to St. Athanasius of Alexandria who was the father of the Nicene Creed, effectively. And his arguments for the Nicene Creed were based on the need to keep that statement true, that ‘God became fully man so that man could become fully God.’

This was an amazing revelation to me. I had always thought up until then that the idea of exaltation was a wonderful doctrine but you wouldn’t find much evidence for it in early Christianity. It turned out, Keith Norman, LDS grad student at Duke, was able to show me that it’s all over the place.

And of course since then we’ve found a lot more–it is literally all over early Christianity. One of the greatest eye-opening intellectual revelations I have ever had was to see that and to realize that on this one, the Latter-day Saints win–now that’s just hands-down, we win.

Now people have told me, ‘Well your doctrine of deification is not exactly like that of the Early Christians.’ To which I usually respond, ‘Well your non-existent doctrine of deification is utterly unlike that of the Early Christians!’ (Laughter)

Well, this was an amazing thing for me. So that my dissertation actually became a dissertation on the topic of human deification in an eleventh-century neo-Platonic Arab philosopher; really obscure stuff. I won’t get into that, but this author was writing during a time when a ruler of Egypt was claiming–or at least deification was being attributed to him. This is the rise of the Druse movement and he was trying to combat that idea that a human could become like God. The topic naturally interested me.

There again, though, I was seeing Islam through an LDS lens. I mean, the problems–things jumped out as significant to me because of the very fact that I was a Latter-day Saint, so when I hear the charge that Latter-day Saints put on blinders and can’t see the world or that it restricts their intellectual curiosity, I just have to say, ‘That certainly hasn’t been true for me.’

I have found questions leaping into my awareness because of the point of view that I’m coming from. It has made looking at these topics extraordinarily exciting for me. It gets me in trouble sometimes.

That topic actually came to me when, just after I had actually taken a job at BYU. I hadn’t finished my dissertation yet. Truth be told, I hadn’t really decided what it was about yet. And I remember going to deliver a paper at a conference in Baltimore, the Middle East Studies Association, and I had writer’s block. About the only time I’ve ever had it; I’m normally capable of writing vast quantities of at least nonsensical prose very rapidly, but this time I just couldn’t come up with anything. On the plane, on the way out to Baltimore, I was feeling terrified. It got even worse when I arrived at my session–I still had nothing to say, I had no paper. This has never happened to me before or since, fortunately I was the third person on the program. There was a presenter from the University of Berlin and another one from Berkeley who spoke first and by the time they had finished the thesis of my dissertation had arrived. I had the idea, I got up and I spoke–I loved it because afterwards several people complimented me on the fact that I didn’t read my paper and I had made eye contact with them. (Laughter) I had no alternative; there was no paper!

But it was almost a kind of revelation, I think, that suddenly this whole thing just crystallized for me sitting there, panic stricken, in a session of the Middle East Studies Association in Baltimore.

But it got me in trouble later on. I was giving a paper based on it in a meeting in Paris and, talking about human deification and all this sort of thing, and a professor in the audience came up to me afterwards and said, ‘The leaders of your Church would be really interested in this.’

I thought, ‘What? I hadn’t said anything about Mormonism. This was pure Ismaili Shiite Islam from the eleventh century.’ Well it turns out he comes out skiing in Utah every year and he’d learned something about Mormon theology and knew something about this idea of human deification. I thought, ‘Well, drop that subject. I won’t bring that one up again. They’re on to me.’ So now I do other things.

But I was hired at BYU to teach Arabic and Islamic Studies–not hired as an apologist. I love to see accounts on the Internet of how much money I make from apologetics; I always get a kick out of that. I’m delighted to tell my wife. But I was actually hired to do Islamic studies, and I was delighted that at BYU I was offered immediately the chance to teach Islamic philosophy, which is not offered very often anywhere. But BYU is one of the places where, at least historically, has offered it. Until very recently, now that I’ve become a bureaucrat, I can’t teach the class just at the time when we’re producing the first textbooks–that’s the Islamic translation series that we’re doing–that would really make it a good class. It’s kind of frustrating; a catch-22.

But BYU is supportive in other ways. It’s given the opportunity, something I never would have expected, to launch the Islamic translation project which is the other side of my life; the real scholarly side of my life. Some of you are aware of that.

BYU has been unbelievably supportive in that. It has been a tremendous opportunity. We’re building relationships all around the world and we’ve been able to expand it beyond the Islamic Translation Series to a series of works on Moses Maimonides, the greatest rabbi of the Middle Ages; the Eastern Christian Text Series, which is just beginning. Something called the Library of the Christian East that I hope will be launched before the end of the year. Wonderful books; no trace of Mormonism in them, but a real contribution to world scholarship, I think, on those topics and I’m just so pleased that BYU and the Church have been so supportive of that. I have to pay tribute here to Elder Maxwell who was an absolute pillar of support in these projects from the very beginning. A wonderful, wonderful person who will be greatly missed.

One of the high points of my tenure at BYU was teaching a course for the Honors Program on Heavenly Ascensions with Bill Hamblin. That’s another topic that cries out for better attention. There are stories all around the world of human ascensions into the presence of the divine. The famous story of Mohamed’s Mirage (inaudible) and they are almost identical all around the world.

They have to do with ascending up through the various heavens, sometimes being asked to give answers and various very symbolic gestures and so on to ascend through the heavens; ascending into the presence of God or the gods who are always conceived of as anthropomorphic in these stories except in the spiritualized mystical accounts.

And often human deification at the summit of it and it has always seemed to me to have obvious echoes of certain things that we do and believe. My hope is to publish a collection of those ascension texts with annotations for a non-LDS audience, but I think Latter-day Saints will get the point.

The other great thing from my involvement, and this is where I think it might become interesting to you for the first time, is the opportunity of having become involved with FARMS after coming to BYU. FARMS was founded, of course as you know, by Jack Welch in California and then brought up to BYU.

Several of us had perceived the need for something like the Foundation for Ancient Research in Mormon Studies early on. I remember in Jerusalem the first time finding a copy of John Tvedtnes’ paper on “King Benjamin and the Feast of Tabernacles” in one of the files of the Jerusalem Branch and thinking, ‘My word, this thing ought to be circulated. What’s it doing here in mimeograph form in the Jerusalem Branch? Nobody will every see it here.’ I’m glad to say that it’s now been published.

I remember talking with Bill Hamblin whom I first met in Cairo and talking about the need for this kind of an organization, but it was really Jack Welch who got it going. Jack, I think, was raised up to do this and I don’t say that lightly; I actually believe it more than half seriously. Jack is just your typical Latter-day Saint attorney with a specialty in tax exempt foundations who also studied Greek and Latin and Ancient History at BYU and Oxford. I mean it seems to me that if he hadn’t–I mean he was designed to create FARMS, and so he did, and FARMS is a great thing, I think.

I got involved with FARMS very early on. I was advised strongly against it by the people who hired me. So much for the pressure I allegedly get from the Church and BYU leaders to do apologetics–they all told me, ‘Don’t do it, we’ll punish you if you do.’ I once asked one of the people telling me this, I said, ‘Look if I have free time, if I’ve done my Islamic studies stuff enough can I do some apologetics work on the side?’

‘No, it would be better if you didn’t.’

I said, ‘Well would you rather than I watched soap operas during the day?’

‘That would be better!’ (Laughter)

Well I’ve ignored them and so far have managed to keep my job. But I can assure you that getting into FARMS was not a mercenary step for me. I know that people who tend to believe this won’t believe any denial of it, but if there are any of you out there, please believe this: It was not in my financial interest to do FARMS. I did it just because I’m an obsessive compulsive and I really wanted to do it and I tend to do what I want to do and so I did.

But I remember once being on, I think it was Martin Tanner’s radio program. Martin, I don’t if you’re out there, but someone called in and said, ‘Well, you’re only in it for the money.’ And I said, ‘Well I’m not even getting my gas reimbursed for coming up to the radio station.’ And he just said, ‘You’re a liar’ and slammed the phone down. So, there’s no reasoning with people like that.

But FARMS, as I say, I think is a wonderful thing. People accuse us of being desperately out to defend a losing cause, that we’re trying to save the Church, you know, because we think we’re losing and we’re inventing desperate ad hoc rationalizations to save our bacon. Nothing could be further from the truth.

The attitude of those who come together to work in FARMS on the whole–there are, you know, we certainly do try to defend against arguments, but overwhelmingly the excitement of it all is that we’re just delighted at the things we see that we think are evidences for the divine calling of Joseph Smith, or things that allow us to deepen our understanding of the Book of Mormon, or other aspects of the gospel in ways that are just remarkable.

It’s not a desperate rearguard action–it’s the excitement of seeing the gospel in a new way. You know, calling someone up and saying, ‘Guess what I just found. Look at this. Listen to this. I mean does this put things in a new light or not?’ And over and over and over again we’ve found that our studies in ancient history just are suggesting all sorts of new paradigms and ways of understanding the gospel; and thing that, in our opinion, Joseph Smith could not possibly have known in any kind of plausible naturalistic way.

Most recently I’ll allude to something that’s in the news very much–we have the DNA issue. There are people who are saying, of course, that ‘DNA destroys the Book of Mormon.’ So our response has been to say, ‘Well not if you believe in a limited geography for the Book of Mormon. Not if you believe there were other people in the Americas.’

That changes the equation altogether. So now the argument has shifted off into a matter not so much of science, we all agree on the science to a large extent. The Latter-day Saint microbiologists and molecular biologists and geneticists and so on who are responding on this issue are not anti-science. But we’re saying if you have a limited geography and the Lehi group is a very small group then the science is essentially irrelevant, so it becomes an issue of exegesis, hermeneutics, interpretation of the Book of Mormon.

And so there are those who are now saying, ‘Well, once again you’re engaged in a desperate rearguard action to redefine the Book of Mormon, this limited geography hypothesis is a desperate reaction to the challenge of DNA.’ That’s absolute nonsense. The thing can be documented easily several decades prior to the discovery of the structure of DNA. You can argue, I think, in fact that Joseph Smith was already moving toward a limited geography thesis probably in 1842 or thereabouts. This has been around for a long, long time. It’s hardly a desperate reaction to Tom Murphy, whom Francis and James Watson had not even heard of when they found the structure of the DNA molecule. (Laughter)

This is just a question of knowing the history. The thing is documentable and provable; it’s been out there for a long time and it’s driven by the text, not by DNA and not by archaeology, but by reading the text.

But what are some affirmative things on Mormon studies that have come out under the auspices of FARMS or by people associated with FARMS–not always published by us. There are many things that I think are exciting.

I think Jordan Vajda’s thesis on the comparison of Mormon doctrines of exaltation with the ancient Christian doctrine of theosis or human deification is a remarkable thing as much for who said it as for what he says. I don’t know if all of you are familiar with this, Jordan Vajda–Father Vajda–worked on this thesis at the Graduate Theological Union in Berkeley and he actually explicitly refers to critics of the Church, he says, ‘You know, it’s not the Mormons who have a problem with this doctrine of human deification. It’s the people who did “The Godmakers” who have a problem because this doctrine somehow miraculously disappeared in most of Christendom and reappeared in nineteenth-century America with Joseph Smith and they’ve got to explain how that happened and they’ve got to explain why they don’t have it. They don’t have a doctrine of deification.’ Father Vajda has since joined the Church–he was a Dominican priest, he’s now a Latter-day Saint. That’s a remarkable piece and we’ve now published it.1

The recent book Echoes and Evidences of the Book of Mormon with a title which I passed on and still am mystified by; I don’t know what it means. I know what ‘evidences’ of the Book of Mormon are but I don’t what ‘echoes’ of the Book of Mormon are. Anyway, I once thought I did, and I approved the title. But it’s a marvelous collection of sort of state-of-the-art studies of some of the issues pertaining to Book of Mormon historicity. I highly recommend that one. And this is not a defensive mentality, this is one arguing that there’s a lot of good stuff out there that seems to support traditional claims.

One of the most exciting things I’ve seen recently not published under the auspices of FARMS but by people affiliated with FARMS is the work that David Paulsen has done on divine corporeality in “Harvard Theological Review”. Most recently, an article he did with Carl Griffin who actually does work for FARMS, he works for me particularly on the translation projects, in “Harvard Theological Review” on St. Augustine and the idea of divine corporeality. Remarkable stuff. There’s good evidence that early Christians believed that God had a body–that was a widespread belief. St. Augustine grew up as the son of a Saint, any of you from Santa Monica will know about his mother St. Monica. This was no ordinary Christian. Yet St. Augustine didn’t learn until he was fairly old and came under the influence of the neo-Platonic Bishop Ambrose of Milan, he didn’t learn until then that you could be a Christian and not believe that God had a body which seems to me to suggest what his mother was teaching him and what he thought was the traditional typical teaching of the Christian church–at least as he knew it. That suggests, in other words, that that kind of teaching was widespread.

Another book that I just want to recommend, really nothing to do with FARMS, pre-dates FARMS almost is one that’s already been mentioned, Richard Anderson’s book Investigating the Book of Mormon Witnesses I think is one of the greatest books ever written in defense of the Church and its claims. This is a classic. In fact I was re-reading it again in Sacrament meeting a few weeks ago and a neighbor of mine, Kent Jackson, happened to be sitting next to me and he said, he leaned over and he just said unbidden, he said, ‘Next to the scriptures, I believe that’s the most faith-promoting book in the history of the Church.’ Anyway, I’m not sure I disagree with that statement, so those of you who haven’t read it, I suggest that you go ahead and do so.

Now there are things happening, FARMS has morphed into something bigger–ISPART, the horribly named ‘Institute for the Study and Preservation of Ancient Religious Texts,’ which is doing great things: digitizing around the world in Beirut, in the Vatican, documents retrieved from the ruins of Herculaneum near Vesuvius as well as the translation projects–but I won’t get into that.

Another thing that’s relevant to concerns here is the FARMS Review, formerly the Review of Books on the Book of Mormon, or what I liked to call RoBotBoM, or the FARMS Review of Books. I think when Jack Welch invited me to edit this thing, to launch it, I don’t think he knew what he was getting into. I’ve created a monster, I think, and I’m delighted to have done so. I think Jack had in mind a series of little short reviews that would guide people to reading books and then they could throw it away. Well, I couldn’t see the point of that. I thought, ‘Who would ever want to buy it.’ It would be sort of like the Penguin Guide to Classical CDs, I never buy one. I go into the record store, find a copy, look up what I’m interested in buying, go buy that CD and put the book back on the shelf, right? Well I thought if you want people to actually read the Review, it’s got to have something in it that’s worth reading for its own sake.

And it started off that way in the very first issue when John Clark wrote a lengthy review with diagrams on Book of Mormon geography–still I think one of the most significant things published on the topic. The Review immediately began to take on critics of the Church. In this way it obviously is created somewhat in the image of its maker. (Laughter)

I have had a polemical streak every since I was a kid. You have to understand that I’m really a cuddly fellow. I’m not nearly as mean as my critics think, although I’m not sure that I mind them thinking that, you know–fear is good, or irritation at least.

But I grew up reading National Review. Some of you may know what that implies. I subscribed to National Review when I was thirteen; I kept the subscription going through my mission ever since then and then I also subscribed to the American Spectator which is even worse. And, one of my models was H.L. Mencken, so this maybe will make some sense to some of you to know where I’m coming from polemically–I enjoy a good spirited round of discussion and I don’t mind a little humor, but it’s often mistaken as being mean-spirited and nasty and there’s not a nasty bone in my little body.

But anyway, the FARMS Review has had an impact on the image of FARMS; there’s no question about that. People will dismiss all that FARMS does by saying, ‘Oh FARMS is nasty and vicious.’ Now, what they’re really referring to is actually not all of FARMS but the FARMS Review, and not all of the FARMS Review, but a few reviews in the history of the FARMS Review, and only a few portions of those few reviews–but it’s enough; if you can use that to dismiss the whole thing, well then, good.

But the FARMS Review, I think, has done a notable work. It has spoken the truth in some cases about operations that needed desperately to have the truth spoken about them. It has provided an avenue for responses to critics of the Church who just didn’t expect it. Sandra Tanner once said to an acquaintance of mine that if they had known that everything they wrote was going to be reviewed they would’ve done things a little differently. (Laughter)

I sometimes think what would’ve happened if there hadn’t been a venue for responding to certain books that are very critical about foundational claims of the Church–what if the Review didn’t exist? It does provide an opportunity to respond, to at least get that response on record.

Most recently I’m very, very proud of Issue 15-2 of the Review which I highly recommend to you if you haven’t had a chance to get it. I think it’s sold out back there, but this is one that deals intensively with DNA, with the Mountain Meadows Massacre and with Grant Palmer’s recent book.

I’ll just mention a couple of other things; I’ll come back to things that are on the horizon. Experiences, back to the really boring autobiographical parts–I’ve had the experience of spending time at other university campuses. I remember a National Endowment for the Humanities seminar at Berkeley devoted to the “The Great Chain of Being,” this idea of Arthur Lovejoy’s sort of hierarchy and the world from God down to the world. That was under the direction of Huston Smith. Some of you may be familiar with Huston Smith who wrote a really wonderful book called originally The Religions of Man, I think it’s called, and then in a more politically correct incarnation it’s now called The Great Religions. Marvelous book which does the kind of comparative religion that I’d like to see done.

Huston told me once that he has been criticized–he’s very proud of this–that he has been criticized by adherents of every religion for being partial to some other religion in that book. People have accused him of being a crypto-Jew, a partisan to Hinduism, partial to Islam, partial to Confucianism and so on, and he likes that, being accused of being biased in the direction of every one of those religions.

What it does for me is it gives you a sense of what it’s like to ‘be’ an adherent of one of those religions. For the first time, for me, Hinduism made some sense. I’d never been able to make any sense of it before. I was able to get involved with Huston in redoing his chapter on Islam in the most recent edition of that book and also to recruit him for the Encyclopedia of Mormonism, which I’m very proud of.

But the thing that struck me about that experience was how well Mormonism stood up among those world religions. There I was in this little NEH seminar out at Berkeley, there were about ten of us, and I was the only Latter-day Saint. I wasn’t there as a Latter-day Saint, I was there as an Islamicist, but there was a Buddhist and there was a Jesuit process theologian, and a Hindu, and a Platonist–a real live Platonist; I didn’t know they existed but there was one there. And, you know people from all those different backgrounds talking about all the great world religions. They all agreed on kind of a unified truth, the perennial tradition that’s behind all of them–and then there were the Mormons who didn’t belong. And I just, toward the end, I was beginning to see myself as sort of an anthropologist you know, just silently observing the natives of the perennial tradition. It was fascinating to me and Huston asked me the last day, ‘Well Dan, you’ve been kind of quiet lately. What do you think about all this?’ I said, ‘Well, I don’t believe any of it. All the things you say are part of the perennial tradition I reject. I mean we really do believe that God has a body and things like that which you see as folk religion.’

Even a couple of years later he caught me and said, ‘(inaudible) kind of a closet atheist in our group. Didn’t accept any of our doctrines.’ But what amazed me was how well Joseph Smith answered all the questions that we were agonizing over in that seminar. Here you have this unlearned New York farm boy, not trained, not well educated, not theologically learned and yet for many of the questions that they were raising, it seemed to me Joseph Smith had already provided answers or he had redefined the questions in such a way that they were non-problems. They didn’t exist as problems anymore and I thought that’s an amazing achievement for a guy who, according to Fawn Brodie, was just sort of making it up on the fly and never had a serious thought; it was just a joke on his parents that kind of got out of hand. That’s just not plausible to me–he did too good a job; it makes too much sense. Joseph holds up amazingly well.

Later I was able to do another such seminar at Princeton with John Gager, at Princeton, on religion and magic, and I might just mention this in passing. We were trying to find out whether you could construct a coherent definition of ‘magic’ that differentiated it from ‘religion.’ So you could say, ‘Well, that’s magic and this is religion.’ This is a live issue for a Latter-day Saint, especially a few years ago, and the upshot of this conference was that none of us there could formulate any kind of definition that really worked very well because it would catch certain things that you wanted to call ‘magic’ but then it would also catch the Roman Catholic mass or the Protestant doctrine of justification by faith. I mean, you just couldn’t do it, so we finally decided what I had already assumed was the case, that the way you distinguish religion and magic is ‘What I do is religion, what you do is magic.’ (Laughter) Magic is a term used to define religions I don’t like. And so that’s about where it stands.

But it was while I was there at Princeton I discovered an article on the consort of God in ancient Israelite tradition which led to an article, really the first of a trilogy, this one was on an Asherah which I located in 1 Nephi–the idea that there are traces of pre-exilic Israelite religious doctrine evident in 1 Nephi in ways that Joseph Smith could not possibly have guessed. I would like to see a criticism of that, I’ve never really gotten a serious one.

What’s going on right now? This might really be the only interesting part of the talk. Let me tell you what’s coming out in the next FARMS Review which went to press yesterday or today. Some really great things; there’s an essay by Nate Oman on secret combinations. There has been a claim made by Vogel and Metcalfe, particularly, that the term secret combinations uniquely refers in Joseph Smith’s environment to the Masons. And so, it’s a dead giveaway of the Book of Mormon’s origins in the conflicts of the late-1820s and Joseph Smith’s obsession with masonry.

And Nate has gone through legal materials, it helps to have been a student at Harvard Law School and have access to all that stuff in that law library there. He has gone through that material all over the place on Masonic context, something I already knew, but he’s documented it greatly.

A wonderful essay by Davis Bitton on how to spot an anti-Mormon book; reviews of Sally Denton’s book on the Mountain Meadows Massacre; and a review of Jon Krakauer’s book Under the Banner of Heaven which I was depressed to find all over Europe during this recent trip in two different German translations. It’s really selling well because, of course, it speaks to the European attitude about religion. Lou Midgley has a piece on Signature Books, “The Signature Books Saga,” you’ll love it. It’s just like the Old Norse!

Jim Allen has got a lengthy review on Grant Palmer’s book. Matt Roper and I have done something on Stan Larson’s book Quest for the Gold Plates which is a kind of quasi-biography of Thomas Stuart Ferguson and his apparent loss of faith in the Book of Mormon that I think has some interesting things to say.

There’s a book about due to come out on the Book of Abraham called Astronomy, Papyrus, and Covenant that I highly recommend. It’s got some very interesting materials on the astronomical portions of the Book of Abraham.

One of the most exciting things (and I’m almost done) is the Critical Text Project that Royal Skousen is working on. The next installment of that will be coming out fairly shortly. This is a landmark work. Absolutely essential to future research on the Book of Mormon and really testimony building in an interesting sort of way; frankly it’s going to account for all of the changes that occurred in the text taking that issue away from the poor Tanners because we found a lot more that they didn’t find. (Laughter) But what it does show is that the original manuscript to the Book of Mormon was consistent and coherent in really remarkable ways.

Royal will be able to talk about that at length and will. I think it puts the Book of Mormon on really solid footing for future studies; an absolutely essential work.

There’s work coming out on the apostasy, trying to look at the doctrine of the apostasy again in new ways. There’s a lot more competence in the Church nowadays in ancient history than there was in the days of James E. Talmage or earlier people who have written on the doctrine of the apostasy. A lot of people well trained in ancient history, the history of Christendom, the history of theology. And we see it in a little different light nowadays, so we’re trying to a more accurate notion of what we believe and what we don’t believe about apostasy.

I think some people will find it gratifying including some outside the Church but it doesn’t surrender any basic claim. It doesn’t surrender the need for a restoration but it does, I think, modify and modulate and moderate some of the claims we’ve historically made.

More work on theosis. A couple of really interesting pieces that I’m hoping will be out within the next year or so on theosis–the doctrine of human deification.

The thing I’m working on right now is my personal passion, something that began as a small book, turned into a large book. I’ve now recast it as two books which are becoming two really big books. It may never be finished. I call it tentatively “The Reasonable Leap Into Light: A Book for Skeptics” and it’s an attempt to show that belief in (a) theism, and (b) Christian theism, (c) Latter-day Saint Christian theism; that belief is reasonable. It’s rational. Not to prove it, but to argue that it’s rational to make that jump. Beyond that it has to be done on a spiritual basis, but it’s rational intellectually, on an intellectual basis.

Let me just close by bearing testimony explicitly about some things. I’ve been teaching gospel doctrine class this last while and I love to do it. It’s my favorite calling in the Church. When they called me to it they were very apologetic and since I had had so many terrible thoughts of the alternatives I was absolutely delighted and had to kind of ‘pretend’ that I, ‘Oh yes, well I’d be willing to do it.’ (Laughter) But you know, rereading the Book of Mormon in that way, it’s different than reading it on your own to me and I am dazzled, as I always am when I read the Book of Mormon, by how very, very deep and well structured and brilliantly put together it is.

I am just baffled when I read people who say or hear people who say, ‘Well there’s nothing to it. It’s stupid, it’s just; there’s nothing there.’ Maybe I’m imagining things but I have a lot of experience studying texts carefully. That’s what I’ve done for a living, that’s what I’ve done in all of my education and the Book of Mormon stands up in good company. It does very well. I’ll just leave it at that.

I’m going through another period of what has been a year-long love affair with the Book of Mormon, I’m dazzled by the book. I cannot believe that anyone can seriously argue that Joseph Smith simply made it up. That is simply not plausible to me, I cannot accept it; I don’t have enough faith or credulity to believe that. I have to fall back on the more simple religious explanation for the Book of Mormon.

Joseph Smith’s character–the more I’ve read about him, the more I’ve read in Dean Jessee’s collections of materials and so on, the more transparently undeniable it is to me that Joseph Smith was a sincere man who really was trying to do the will of God. He doesn’t argue that he did it perfectly, nobody ever has. He doesn’t argue that he didn’t have flaws, he would never have claimed that. But his transparent sincerity is apparent to me on every page. I cannot get away from it. If I’m any kind of judge of human character, I see an honest, sincere man speaking from those pages of those reproduced letters which were not written for publication. He wasn’t pretending to anybody.

Finally, the vision of the gospel, the plan of salvation, remains for me astonishing. The only thing I can compare it to in an odd sort of way–and it’s nothing like it–but I remember reading Hans Jonas’ book called The Gnostic Religion at one point where he laid out the Gnostic myth and it was this vast cosmic thing and it seemed to me that that was the only thing I’d ever seen that was comparable to the Mormon plan of salvation. It didn’t hold up well, I don’t think it’s coherent but it’s dramatic; it’s big. This is a big canvas.

The plan of salvation is like that for me; it is absolutely exhilarating to me. I cannot imagine anybody saying that Mormonism is small or narrow. Latter-day Saints may see it small and narrow, we may force ourselves into a small and narrow viewpoint–that’s what humans often do–but the gospel is huge. The gospel is immense and I agree with B.H. Roberts we haven’t begun to plumb its depths, we haven’t begun to appreciate how very big and expansive and liberal in the good sense of the word it is.

And I just want to bear you my testimony the gospel is true. The Book of Mormon is true, Joseph Smith was a prophet, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints is the Lord’s Church. The gospel is true, this was not something that just was made up in nineteenth-century New York or in nineteenth-century America. It cannot be explained that way; I cannot buy that. I bear you my testimony that it’s true, in the name of Jesus Christ. Amen.

Notes

1 Jordan Vajda, “Partakers of the Divine Nature”: A Comparative Analysis of Patristic and Mormon Doctrines of Divinization. Provo, Utah: The Foundation for Ancient Research and Mormon Studies (FARMS), 2002, Occasional Papers, Volume 3.

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