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Book of Mormon

Matthew Roper

Book of Mormon Scholar · Historian · Researcher

Matthew Roper, Book of Mormon scholar and longtime FAIR contributor

Matthew Roper is a Book of Mormon scholar and historian whose research focuses on the historical setting, interpretation, and reception of the Book of Mormon. His work has addressed questions of Book of Mormon geography, warfare, material culture, authorship, and the historical interpretation of Latter-day Saint scripture.

Roper earned a BA in history and an MA in sociology from Brigham Young University. He has been associated with Book of Mormon research at BYU’s Neal A. Maxwell Institute for Religious Scholarship and the Laura F. Willes Center for Book of Mormon Studies.

His scholarship has explored subjects including Lehite social structure, pre-Columbian populations, Mesoamerican weapons and warfare, Book of Mormon geography, ancient names and cultural practices, and the relationship between archaeological evidence and claims about the Book of Mormon. He has also researched historical approaches to Book of Mormon geography and the ways early Latter-day Saints—including Joseph Smith and his contemporaries—understood the book’s ancient setting.

Roper compiled the Harold B. Lee Library’s electronic collection of nineteenth-century publications about the Book of Mormon from 1829 to 1844. His research has also examined questions of Book of Mormon authorship, historical and contemporary interpretations of the text, and the intellectual history of Latter-day Saint scripture.

A longtime contributor to FAIR, Roper has presented at FAIR conferences on Book of Mormon evidence, archaeology, geography, ancient populations, and warfare. His work combines close attention to the Book of Mormon text with historical and comparative research into the ancient cultures and settings that may illuminate it.

Bio last reviewed:

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Statement of Faith

I grew up in a Latter-day Saint home in southern California, where at an early age with the help of kind parents I cultivated love for Jesus Christ and for the Scriptures. I read the Bible as a child and through prayer I came to an understanding of God as a loving Heavenly Father, whom I could trust and go to in times and fear and difficulty and find peace. I felt then and I am now certain that God heard me and comforted me. Those early experiences were a touchstone against which I have subsequently measured experiences. My faith in God has provided meaning and direction to me life. My faith, or what I today call my testimony, did not arise from any one experience alone, but has grown out of and been nurtured by a series of personally significant “recognitions” or “realizations” of that same influence in my life which early in my life brought me joy and peace. These have brought me greater understanding and thereby strengthened my faith in Jesus Christ. One of these came to me when I first read the Book of Mormon through and asked God if it was true. While spending two years serving as a missionary in Argentina, I found among my most joyous experiences were those instances when others were able to recognize that same divine influence for themselves.

I have subsequently studied the life of the Prophet Joseph Smith and the history of the Church of Jesus Christ all of my adult life. As I have done so I have developed a deep appreciation for what Joseph did and what it cost him and those who followed him. I believe he was a mighty Prophet of God. I do not believe he was perfect person, but I am confident that he was what exactly what he claimed to be. More than Joseph, I am profoundly impressed by the revelations he brought forth, including especially the Book of Mormon. Joseph Smith’s account of its remarkable origin is, in my view, much more plausible and consonant with the historical data than any of the several counter-explanations that have been offered by his critics. On an intellectual level I cannot explain it away. On another and more fundamental level, Joseph Smith’s story simply rings true to me.

I have made and continue to make the Book of Mormon an object of lifelong study and have found this to be tremendously fulfilling. It has been a useful guide to me in my life and has given me comfort in challenging times. Its teachings, when followed, have always brought me hope and light. I have found the Lord’s promise true that those who genuinely “believeth these things which I have spoken, him will I visit with the manifestations of my Spirit, and he shall know and bear record. For because of my Spirit he shall know that these things are true; for it persuadeth men to do good” (Ether 4:11).

June 2011

Call for Papers | 2027 FAIR Virtual Conference

FAIR VIRTUAL CONFERENCE · 2027
Call for Papers

A Light in the Wilderness

The Book of Mormon and Other Scripture
October 7–9, 2027 · Online

Submit a Proposal↓

Call for Papers

FAIR invites proposals for its fifth virtual conference, exploring the wilderness in the Book of Mormon and other scripture through historical, literary, theological, comparative, and apologetic inquiry.

Submit a Proposal ↓

View Submission Guidelines ↓

- Abstracts due February 28, 2027 -

THE 2027 THEME

The wilderness is more than a setting.

The Book of Mormon and Other Scripture

Across scripture, the wilderness is a place of testing and conflict, revelation and covenant, encounter and deliverance. It can be landscape, symbol, memory, literary structure, theological image, and sacred space.

A Light in the Wilderness invites scholars and researchers to explore these dimensions in the Book of Mormon and other scripture—individually, comparatively, and within the larger traditions through which scripture has been received and understood.

Proposals may focus on the Book of Mormon, the Bible, Restoration scripture, or relationships among them. Studies of ancient contexts, reception and interpretation, and the influence of wilderness traditions on Latter-day Saint thought and experience are also welcome.

We welcome original research, fresh perspectives, and questions

that expand the possibilities of the theme.

SCHOLARSHIP IN THE SERVICE OF FAITH

Rigorous inquiry. Faithful engagement.

In keeping with FAIR’s mission to create conditions where faith in Jesus Christ and His gospel can flourish, the conference brings scholarly inquiry into conversation with the understanding and defense of Latter-day Saint faith.

Contributions may address questions or criticisms, offer positive arguments, illuminate neglected texts, or develop interpretations that deepen appreciation of scripture and its witness of Jesus Christ.

Presentations should be accessible to an engaged general audience while maintaining scholarly rigor.

Where might the theme lead?

These suggestions are starting points, not boundaries.

Wilderness & Narrative

Book of Mormon and other scriptural wilderness narratives and imagery

Ancient Contexts

Historical, geographical, archaeological, and cultural contexts

Literary & Textual Studies

Literary, textual, intertextual, and comparative approaches

Revelation & Covenant

Prophecy, covenant, divine encounter, testing, and sacred space

Christ & Deliverance

Jesus Christ, redemption, exile, rescue, and deliverance

Apologetics

Responses to criticisms involving scriptural wilderness accounts

Ancient Traditions

Wilderness themes in ancient Jewish and Christian writings

Restoration Connections

Latter-day Saint history, doctrine, scripture, and experience

Faith Today

What wilderness narratives contribute to contemporary faith and apologetics

Have another approach? We hope you’ll propose it. Contributors are encouraged to define their own questions, methods, and arguments.

Submit your Proposal

What to include

The Book of Mormon and Other Scripture
  • Working title
    A proposed title for your presentation.
  • Abstract · 250–350 words
    Clearly identify your central question or argument, principal sources or approach, and contribution to the conference theme.
  • Presenter biography · up to 100 words
    Include your institutional or professional affiliation, if applicable, and one or two relevant publications or areas of research.
  • Email address
    Please provide the address you would like FAIR to use for all conference correspondence.

Proposal submission form coming soon.

Submission Deadline

February 28, 2027

Questions? Contact [email protected]

Submit your proposal
a timeline of due dates for the FAIR 2027 virtual conference
Preparing a FAIR paper?

Accepted papers must follow FAIR’s Style Guide. Authors are encouraged to review the guide early, particularly when preparing citations and references.

DOWNLOAD FAIR STYLE GUIDE →
FAIR VIRTUAL CONFERENCE · OCTOBER 7–9, 2027

Bring your question to the wilderness.

The Book of Mormon and Other Scripture

We welcome thoughtful scholarship that helps readers see scripture more clearly, engage difficult questions seriously, and better understand its witness of Jesus Christ.

Questions about the Call for Papers? Contact [email protected]

Jonathon Riley

Biblical Studies Scholar • Book of Mormon Studies • FAIR Conference Speaker

Jonathon Riley

Jonathon Riley earned a PhD and MA in Biblical Studies from The Catholic University of America, an MA in Biblical Studies from Trinity Western University, and a BA in Ancient Near Eastern Studies from Brigham Young University.

His areas of expertise include Biblical Studies, Book of Mormon Studies, and Zoroastrianism. His research interests include intertextuality and allusion, narrative criticism, and exegesis. Riley has published research using Hebrew linguistics to inform the study of the Book of Mormon text and has also worked on the use of the Septuagint in the Book of Mormon.

Bio last reviewed:

Contributions at FAIR

Devon Bollin

Philosophy & History Student • Christian Theology • FAIR Conference Speaker

Devon Bollin

Devon Bollin is a student at Brigham Young University pursuing a double major in philosophy and history, with a strong emphasis in Christian theology. His research interests include the Book of Mormon, atonement, temple theology, sacramentology, and discipleship formation.

His work with Terryl Givens and others at the Maxwell Institute has encouraged him to draw on both philosophy and history as he engages challenging questions with intellectual and spiritual rigor. He describes that process as sometimes uncomfortable, but ultimately deeply satisfying and faith-affirming.

Originally from St. Louis, Missouri, Bollin enjoys reading, watching films, writing and playing music, and—according to his bio—winning (not merely playing) board games.

Bio last reviewed:

Contributions at FAIR

Allen Hansen

Independent Researcher • Biblical & Jewish Studies • FAIR Conference Speaker

Allen Hansen

Allen Hansen is an independent researcher whose interests include the Bible; ancient, medieval, and early modern Jewish literature; Book of Mormon translation; and the intersections of the Church, Judaism, and the history of Israel.

Born and raised in northern Israel, Hansen later served a mission in Russia. He and his wife, Kateryna, who is from Ukraine, are the parents of a daughter.

Bio last reviewed:

Contributions at FAIR

Tangible Restoration: The Witnesses and What They Experienced – Daniel C. Peterson (2006)

Start Here

Question

Were the Book of Mormon witnesses describing physical experiences with the gold plates?

Short Answer

Daniel C. Peterson argues that the historical accounts of the Book of Mormon witnesses describe experiences with strongly tangible elements. The Three Witnesses described seeing the plates in a miraculous setting, while the Eight Witnesses reported physically seeing, handling, turning, and “hefting” the plates.

Key Takeaways
  • The Three Witnesses described seeing the plates in the presence of an angel.

  • Their experience included miraculous light and the voice of God.

  • The Eight Witnesses described a separate, much more ordinary encounter.

  • They said they handled and “hefted” the plates themselves.

  • Peterson argues that the contrasting character of the two experiences strengthens their combined testimony.

Summary

Summary

Daniel C. Peterson examines the testimonies of the Three and Eight Witnesses to the Book of Mormon, emphasizing the strikingly tangible nature of their accounts. Their differing experiences—one miraculous, the other deliberately ordinary and physical—provide complementary testimony concerning the gold plates.

TL;DR

TL;DR (Too Long; Didn’t Read)

Daniel C. Peterson argues that the Book of Mormon witnesses described experiences that were not merely inward or mystical. The Three Witnesses reported a miraculous encounter involving an angel and divine testimony, while the Eight described seeing, handling, and “hefting” the plates in an ordinary physical setting.

Tangible Restoration: The Witnesses and What They Experienced By Daniel C. Peterson

2006 FAIR Conference

Joseph Smith’s claims regarding the Book of Mormon seem, at least on the surface, to be very detailed and utterly tangible. They are not mystical claims, but, at least in principle, can be tested in the real world of everyday, physical objects.

And critics have not been reluctant to meet the claim head on. “As for the golden plates,” wrote the evangelical Protestant polemicist G.H. Fraser, “we will say simply that there were not any.”

But the historical evidence suggests—no, it shouts—the contrary.

A representative statement is that given by David Whitmer during an 1878 interview with Orson Pratt and Joseph F. Smith:

It was in June, 1829, the latter part of the month . . . Martin Harris was not with us at this time; he obtained a view of [the plates] afterwards (the same day). Joseph, Oliver, and myself were together when I saw them. We not only saw the plates of the Book of Mormon, but also the brass plates [a set of records mentioned early in the Book of Mormon has having been carried by Lehi from Jerusalem to the New World], the plates of the book of Ether, the plates containing the record of the wickedness and secret combinations of the people of the world down to the time of their being engraved, and many other plates. The fact is, it was just as though Joseph, Oliver and I were sitting just here on a log, when we were overshadowed by a light. It was not like the light of the sun nor like that of a fire, but more glorious and beautiful. It extended away round us, I cannot tell how far, but in the midst of this light about as far off as he sits (pointing to John C. Whitmer, sitting a few feet from him), there appeared, as it were, a table with many records or plates upon it, besides the plates of the Book of Mormon, also the sword of Laban, the directors [i.e. the ball with spindles which Lehi had, and the interpreters].

Lucy Mack Smith, who had seen the chosen witnesses leave for their encounter with the angel and the plates, recalled, many years later, the scene that ensued at their return:

When they returned to the house, it was between three and four o’clock P. M. Mrs. Whitmer, Mr. Smith, and myself, were sitting in a bedroom at the time. On coming in, Joseph threw himself down beside me, and exclaimed, “Father, mother, you do not know how happy I am: the Lord has now caused the plates to be shown to three more besides myself. They have seen an angel, who has testified to them, and they will have to bear witness to the truth of what I have said, for now they now for themselves, that I do not go about to deceive the people, and I feel as if I was relieved of a burden which was almost too heavy for me to bear, and it rejoices my soul, that I am not any longer to be entirely alone in the world.” Upon this, Martin Harris came in: he seemed almost overcome with joy, and testified boldly to what he had both seen and heard. And so did David and Oliver, adding, that no tongue could express the joy of their hearts, and the greatness of the things which they had both seen and heard.

Ultimately, each of the Three Witnesses—Martin Harris, Oliver Cowdery, and David Whitmer—signed his name to a statement that has appeared in every edition of the Book of Mormon from the beginning.

Be it known unto all nations, kindreds, tongues, and people, unto whom this work shall come: That we, through the grace of God the Father, and our Lord Jesus Christ, have seen the plates which contain this record, which is a record of the people of Nephi, and also of the Lamanites, their brethren, and also of the people of Jared, who came from the tower of which hath been spoken. And we also know that they have been translated by the gift and power of God, for his voice hath declared it unto us; wherefore we know of a surety that the work is true. And we also testify that we have seen the engravings which are upon the plates; and they have been shown unto us by the power of God, and not of man. And we declare with words of soberness, than an angel of God came down from heaven, and he brought and laid before our eyes, that we beheld and saw the plates, and the engravings thereon; and we know that it is by the grace of God the Father, and our Lord Jesus Christ, that we beheld and bear record that these things are true. And it is marvelous in our eyes. Nevertheless, the voice of the Lord commanded us that we should bear record of it; wherefore, to be obedient unto the commandments of God, we bear testimony of these things. And we know that if we are faithful in Christ, we shall rid our garments of the blood of all men, and be found spotless before the judgment-seat of Christ, and shall dwell with him eternally in the heavens. And the honor be to the Father, and to the Son, and to the Holy Ghost, which is one God. Amen.

According to David Whitmer, the quite distinct experience of the Eight Witnesses to the Book of Mormon occurred one or two days after the experience of the Three.

Soon thereafter, all of the Eight signed their names to a statement that has accompanied the testimony of the Three in every printed version of the Book of Mormon.

Be it known unto all nations, kindreds, tongues, and people, unto whom this work shall come; That Joseph Smith, Jun., the translator of this work, has shown unto us the plates of which hath been spoken, which have the appearance of gold; and as many of the leaves as the said Smith has translated we did handle with our hands; and we also saw the engravings thereon, all of which has the appearance of ancient work, and of curious workmanship. And this we bear record with words of soberness, that the said Smith has shown unto us, for we have seen and hefted, and know of a surety that the said Smith has got the plates of which we have spoken. And we give our names unto the world, to witness unto the world that which we have seen. And we lie not, God bearing witness of it.

It is worth examining the contrasting character of the experiences reported by the Three Witnesses and the Eight, since, I believe, their very difference reinforces them. First of all, the experience of the Three, as they report it, was suffused with the glory and power of God. In a brilliant light, an angel came down and showed them the plates. They heard the voice of God testifying that the translation had been accomplished “by the gift and power of God.” Their written testimony is characterized by a marked religious or spiritual tone. It might be termed a supernatural or miraculous testimony.

By contrast, the experience of the Eight involves no glory, nothing miraculous. It is as mundane as anything can be. No angel shows the plates to them; Joseph Smith does. There is no miraculous light. Unlike the Three, who seem simply to have observed the plates in the hands of the angel, the Eight handled the plates and turned their pages. They “hefted” them. The language of their official account is cool and even formal or legalistic to the point of emotional distance (“the said Smith”). God figures in their testimony only as witness to their concluding oath. His voice does not testify to the correctness of the translation.

The Eight Witnesses are manifestly in full possession of their senses and mental faculties. Theirs might be labeled an ordinary or natural testimony.

Why the differences? In order, I think, for the task of skeptics to be rendered more difficult. One might be tempted to dismiss the testimony of the Three, with its spectacular divine accompaniments, as hallucinatory (however untenable that dismissal would be) or mere superstition. By contrast, there is absolutely nothing in the testimony of the Eight that points to superstition or hallucination. It is the most matter-of-fact kind of experience—nine men in the woods in the early afternoon—except for the object at the center of it.

On the other hand, if one were to approach the Witnesses first by way of the Eight and one were inclined to skepticism, one might be tempted to write their experience off as deception by Joseph Smith or by some other conspirator or group of conspirators. There must really have been plates—fabricated to deceive. But this doesn’t account for the testimony of the Three, which goes beyond fabrication and involves a number of additional objects. In other words, a single explanation seems unable to account for the two very different kinds of experience.

This means that skeptics who wish to explain the two testimonies away must resort to some unlikely combination of sincere hallucination, already unlikely in and of itself, and deliberate, insincere fabrication. Or, as we shall see, they must attempt to collapse the difference between the two.

Let us examine a case that critics often cite as a parallel to Joseph Smith and his Witnesses:

Forgery is the virtually certain explanation for the two sets of inscribed metal plates that James Jesse Strang said he had found in Wisconsin and Michigan (between 1845 and 1849) and translated. Strang, who claimed to have a letter of appointment from Joseph Smith, announced himself as Joseph Smith’s successor and was clearly seeking to imitate the Prophet. That his plates really existed is beyond serious dispute. The first set, the three “Voree” or “Rajah Manchou” plates, were dug up by four “witnesses” whom Strang had brought to the appropriate site. Inscribed on both sides with illustrations and “writing,” the Rajah Manchou plates were roughly 1.5 by 2.75 inches in size—small enough to fit in the palm of a hand or to carry in a pocket. Among the many who saw them was Stephen Post, who reported that they were brass and, indeed, that they resembled the French brass used in familiar kitchen kettles.

“With all the faith & confidence that I could exercise,” he wrote, “all that I could realize was that Strang made the plates himself, or at least that it was possible that he made them.”

One not altogether reliable source reports that most of the four witnesses to the Rajah Manchou plates ultimately repudiated their testimonies.

The eighteen “Plates of Laban,” likewise of brass and each about 7 3/8 by 9 inches, were first mentioned in 1849 and, in 1851, were seen by seven witnesses. Their testimony appeared at the front of The Book of the Law of the Lord, which Strang said he translated from the “Plates of Laban.” (Work on the translation seems to have begun at least as early as April 1849. An 84-page version appeared in 1851; by 1856, it had reached 350 pages.)

The statement of Strang’s witnesses speaks of seeing the plates, but mentions nothing of any miraculous character. Nor did Strang supply any second set of corroborating testimony comparable to that of the Three Witnesses to the Book of Mormon. One of the witnesses to the “Plates of Laban,” Samuel P. Bacon, eventually denied the inspiration of Strang’s movement and denounced it as mere “human invention.” Another, Samuel Graham, later claimed that he had assisted Strang in the fabrication of the “Plates of Laban.” The well-read Strang had

been an editor and lawyer before his brief affiliation with the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints and his subsequent career as a schismatic leader.1 Thus, Strang’s plates were much less numerous than those associated with Joseph Smith, his witnesses saw nothing supernatural, his translation required the better part of a decade rather than a little more than two months, and, unlike the Witnesses to the Book of Mormon, Strang’s witnesses did not remain faithful to their testimonies. Milo Quaife, in his early, standard biography of Strang, reflected that

“It is quite conceivable that Strang’s angelic visitations may have had only a subjective existence in the brain of the man who reported them. But the metallic plates possessed a very material objective reality.” If we are unwilling to accept The Book of the Law of the Lord as authentically divine, he says, “we can hardly escape the conclusion . . . that Strang knowingly fabricated and ‘planted’ them for the purpose of duping his credulous followers” and, accordingly, that “Strang’s prophetic career was a false and impudent imposture.”2

Roger Van Noord, Strang’s most recent biographer, concludes that,

“Based on the evidence, it is probable that Strang—or someone under his direction—manufactured the letter of appointment and the brass plates to support his claim to be a prophet and to sell land at Voree. If this scenario is correct, Strang’s advocacy of himself as a prophet was more than suspect, but no psychological delusion.”3

1 See Roger Van Noord, King of Beaver Island: The Life and Assassination of James Jesse Strang (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988), 33-35, 97, 102, 163, 219; Doyle C. Fitzpatrick, The King Strang Story: A Vindication of James J. Strang, the Beaver Island Mormon [sic] King (Lansing, MI: National Heritage, 1970), 34-38; Milo M. Quaife, The Kingdom of Saint James: A Narrative of the Mormons [sic] (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1930), 2-8, 16-19, 92-93, 185-189.

2 Quaife, The Kingdom of Saint James, 17-18.

3 Van Noord, King of Beaver Island, 274.

It seems that virtually every reputable writer on the subject now grants the sincerity and honesty of all or most of the Book of Mormon Witnesses. A few critics argue that the printed testimonies don’t really represent what the Witnesses said. “I want Non-LDS to know,” wrote one recent poster on an internet message board,

that regardless of the three witnesses of the Book of Mormon and the eight witnesses of the Book of Mormon—not a single witness ever touched the plates with their own hands and never saw the plates with their own eyes. When Martin Harris and Oliver Cowdrey supposedly had visions of the Book of Mormon for their testimony – only Joseph Smith wrote their testimony down in the Book of Mormon.

But the testimonies of have been published with the Book of Mormon ever since that first edition in 1830, which, since it was prepared under the careful supervision of Oliver Cowdery (one of the Three) and Hyrum Smith (one of the Eight), seems to imply their endorsement of those statements. Consistent with this, a correspondent for the Salem [Massachusetts] Advertiser and Argus reported in 1843 having heard Hyrum “declare, in this city in public, that what is recorded about the plates, &c. &c. is God’s solemn truth.”4 Moreover, there are far too many recorded testimonies from the other Witnesses for

this to be a plausible escape. For example, E. C. Brand visited John Whitmer, one of the Eight, in 1875, and recorded that Whitmer “declared that his testimony, as found in the ‘Testimony of Eight Witnesses,” in the Book of Mormon, is strictly true.”5 In 1876, Whitmer told Mark Forscutt, “I have never heard that any one of the three, or eight witnesses ever denied the testimony that they have borne to the Book as published in the first edition of the Book of Mormon.”6 And, later that same year, referring to the published testimony, he told Heman C. Smith, “That testimony was, is, and will be true, henceforth and forever.” 7 And, finally, in 1877, the year prior to his death, he wrote “concerning my testimony as recorded in the Book of Mormon” that “It is the Same as it was from the beginning, and it is true.” 8

Today’s attack on the Witnesses focuses, instead, on the alleged non-literalness of their experience. Dan Vogel is the principal source for this newly popular way of dismissing their testimony. For example, in his 2002 essay on “The Validity of the Witnesses’ Testimonies,” he attempts to discredit the witnesses by portraying them as alienated from empirical reality and as having merely imagined the plates of the Book of Mormon, or seen them in a subjective hallucination.

I’ve commented elsewhere on how bizarre it is to me that the witnesses, a group of early nineteenth-century farmers who spent their lives rising at sunrise, pulling up stumps, clearing rocks, plowing fields, sowing seeds, carefully nurturing crops, raising livestock, milking cows, digging wells, building cabins, raising barns, harvesting their own food, bartering (in an often cashless economy) for what they could not produce themselves, wearing clothes made from plant fibers and skins, anxiously watching the seasons, and walking or riding animals out under the weather until they retired to their beds shortly after sunset in “a world lit only by fire,” are being portrayed as estranged from everyday empirical reality by people whose lives, like mine, consist to a large extent of staring at computer and television screens in artificially air-conditioned and artificially lit homes and offices, clothed in synthetic fibers, commuting between the two in enclosed and air-conditioned mechanical vehicles while they listen to the radio, chat on their cell phones, and fiddle with their iPods—all of whose inner workings are largely mysterious to them—who buy their prepackaged food (with little or no regard for the time or the season) by means of plastic cards and electronic financial transfers from artificially illuminated and air-conditioned supermarkets enmeshed in international distribution networks of which they know virtually nothing, the rhythms of whose daily lives are largely unaffected by the rising and setting of the sun.

Yet Dan Vogel’s view of the Witnesses has recently been given wider currency in an article published by the non-Mormon biblical scholar Lester Grabbe, who commendably seeks to show that Joseph Smith’s story can illuminate ancient Hebrew prophecy. Unfortunately, Professor Grabbe’s discussion is totally dependent upon Vogel and wholly uninformed by any exposure to the work of the leading authority on the Witnesses, Richard Lloyd Anderson. Grabbe readily grants the sincerity of Martin Harris and David Whitmer, but also declares that “it seems that no one saw the plates uncovered except Smith himself.”9 “Both Martin Harris and David Whitmer of the Three Witnesses,” he writes,

while continuing to affirm their belief in the Book of Mormon, also stated that they had seen the plates “in spirit” or with “spiritual eyes” or in vision. As far as they were concerned, this was no less real than seeing them with ordinary eyes, but to non-Mormons this distinction is likely to be important. 10

Professor Grabbe cites the Rev. John A. Clark’s recollection of an unnamed attorney’s alleged recollection of an alleged statement from Martin Harris:

A gentleman in Palmyra, bred to the law, a professor of religion, and of undoubted veracity told me that on one occasion, he appealed to Harris and asked him directly,–“Did you see those plates?” Harris replied, he did. “Did you see the plates, and the engraving on them with your bodily eyes?” Harris replied, “Yes, I saw them with my eyes,–they were shown unto me by the power of God and not of man.” “But did you see them with your natural,–your bodily eyes, just as you see this pencil-case in my hand? Now say no or yes to this.” Harris replied,–“Why I did not see them as I do that pencil- case, yet I saw them with the eye of faith; I saw them just as distinctly as I see any thing around me,–though at the time they were covered over with a cloth. 11

And yet, Professor Grabbe acknowledges,

The situation with the Eight Witnesses is more complex, and some continue to assert that these members of the Whitmer family and others saw and handled the plates in a purely physical context. Some of the testimony certainly gives this impression, but we have a few later interviews with most of the Eight Witnesses. There is some evidence that their experience was also “spiritual” or “visionary” or whatever one might wish to call it. 12

How did the Witnesses come to “see” the plates? Thomas Ford, the former governor of Illinois, “who,” Grabbe assures us, actually “knew many Mormons,” explains it all by means an account of the experience of the Eight Witnesses. “Unfortunately,” as Grabbe concedes “he does not give his sources and he has some of the names slightly wrong.” 13

He [Joseph Smith] set them to continual prayer, and other spiritual exercises, to acquire this lively faith by means of which the hidden things of God could be spiritually discerned; and, at last, when he could delay them no longer, he assembled them in a room [Lucy Mack Smith says it was a grove near their house], and produced a box, which he said contained the precious treasure. The lid was opened; the witnesses peeped into it, but making no discovery, for the box was empty, they said, “Brother Joseph, we do not see the plates.” The prophet answered them, “O ye of little faith! how long will God bear with this wicked and perverse generation? down on your knees, brethren, every one of you, and pray God for the forgiveness of your sins, and for a holy and living faith which cometh down from heaven.” The disciples dropped to their knees, and began to pray in the fervency of their spirit, supplicating God for more than two hours with fanatical earnestness, at the end of which time, looking again into the box, they were now persuaded that they saw the plates. I leave it to philosophers to determine whether the fumes of an enthusiastic and fanatical imagination are thus capable of blinding the mind and deceiving the senses by so absurd a delusion.14

An even more entertaining version of this theory appeared on an ex-Mormon message board just a few days ago:

I used to tease my kids………………..

I would take my coat or a towel or a blanket and gather it up in the crook of my arm. Then I would stick my face down into it and make a whimpering sound like a puppy. Then I would make a petting motion. My little kids would see what was going on and GUESS what? they wanted to see the puppy! Of course I refused to let them see the puppy because there was not one. Then I would walk into another room and the kids would follow demanding to see the puppy. I would run into another room, the kids would follow, but by then the puppy was gone! I would claim to have hidden the puppy.

The kids would go crazy trying to find the puppy. it was great fun, but as my kids got a little older they finally caught on. The trick no longer worked. When I tried it on their younger cousins my kids would scoff and give away the secret right off to any youngster who would listen!

Why was it a puppy? because A. I said so B. Because I could make the sound of a puppy, C. Kids like puppies. D. A puppy would fit under the cover.

I never claimed to have a rabid grizzly bear or adult crocodle under the wrap for the inverse of all the reasons stated above How convenient that THE Gold plates were “Gold” instead of wood or zinc or stone. How convenient that they were a certain size and that they dissappeared and that only Joe could read them! How convenient for the blood sucking scum that currently runs the Mormon corporation today that so many TBM adults are dumb as preschoolers about certian things . . .

Professor Grabbe cites a passage from Vogel that cites an account of an encounter between Theodore Turley and John Whitmer:

Whitmer asked, “do you hint at me?” [Turley replied], “if the caps fits you, wear it.” all I know, you have published to the world that an angel did present those plates to Joseph Smith.” [Whitmer replied] “I now say I handled those plates. there was fine engravings on both sides. I handled them.” and he described how they were hung, “and they were shown to me by a supernatural power.” he acknowledged all.15

Then he cites Vogel’s introduction to that account, which declares that “it seem [sic] to imply that while Whitmer’s handling of the plaes [sic] (perhaps in a box or through a covering) was physical, his seeing the plates was visionary.” 16

But I am a loss to understand how Whitmer’s alleged statement that the plates were “shown to [him] by a supernatural power” (which, incidentally, is difficult to reconcile with the numerous other accounts from John Whitmer), even if taken at face value, can be translated so easily into the idea that “his seeing of the plates was visionary.”

Grabbe also cites the notorious testimony of the disaffected nineteenth century Mormon Stephen Burnett, which makes an even bigger leap:

I have reflected long and deliberately upon the history of this church & weighed the evidence for & against it—loth to give it up—but when I came to hear Martin Harris state in a public [sic] that he never saw the plates with his natural eyes only in vision or imagination, neither Oliver [Cowdery] nor David [Whitmer] & also that the eight witnesses never saw them & hesitated to sign that instrument for that reason, but were persuaded to do it, the last pedestal gave way, in my view our foundations was sapped & the entire superstructure fell a heap of ruins.17

Professor Grabbe swallows Dan Vogel’s line without no reservation whatever. “In the end,” he says, “it appears that the only one who saw the plates directly was Joseph Smith himself. Even this situation could be doubted.”18

My wife fears that I have nothing original to say today, and she’s probably right.

Richard Lloyd Anderson, the foremost authority on this subject and the author of, among other things, the classic Investigating the Book of Mormon Witnesses, has addressed this topic in an important recent article in the FARMS Journal of Book of Mormon Studies entitled, straightforwardly enough, “Attempts to Redefine the Experience of the Eight Witnesses.” But, frankly, originality doesn’t much matter to me on this matter. I wish, at the least, to register a vigorous protest against what seems to me to have become unquestioned but baseless orthodoxy, in certain quarters, about the Witnesses.

They are often portrayed, now, by critics, as gullible fools, unable to distinguish reality from fantasy, easily duped. And Martin Harris is their parade example.

But this falsifies and misrepresents the facts.

True to his reputation as a careful, prudent man, Martin Harris initially approached the claims of Joseph Smith with hope but also with cautious skepticism. It was Harris who took a transcript of characters from the plates to New York City, for the evaluation of Professor Charles Anthon of Columbia University, and others. And, while he was serving as Joseph’s first scribe for the translation, he once surreptitiously substituted a similar-looking stone for the seerstone that the Prophet was using, in order to see if it made any difference. (It did.) At one point, he lifted the box in which the plates were allegedly concealed, to see what he could determine. “I knew from the heft,” he recalled, “that they were lead or gold, and I knew that Joseph had not credit enough to buy so much lead.” He cross-examined “Joseph, his wife, brothers, sisters, his father and mother. I talked with them separately, that I might get the truth of the matter.” One day, he arrived when Joseph was away from home. “I was glad he was absent,” Harris reminisced, “for that gave me an opportunity of talking with his wife and the family about the plates. I talked with them separately, to see if their stories agreed, and I found they did agree.”

Did Martin Harris think his experience as a Witness was real?

The twenty-five-year old Edward Moroni Thurman ran into Martin Harris at a blacksmith shop, and asked him whether the Book of Mormon was true. Harris responded by asking whether the young man could see an apple tree nearby. His vision of the angel, the plates, and the other objects, he told Thurman, had been as real and factual as the sight of the apple tree. When a group of teenagers posed the same question to him, he pointed to a chopping block and asked if they could see it. “Well, just as plain as you see that chopping block, I saw the plates; and sooner than I would deny it I would lay my head upon that chopping block and let you chop it off.”

To William Pilkington, he said,

Just as sure as You see the Sunshining. Just as sure am I that I stood in The presence of an Angel of God, with Joseph Smith and saw him hold the Gold Plates in his Hands. I also saw the Urim and Thummin [sic], The Breastplate and the Sword of Laban I saw the Angel descend from Heaven. The Heavens were then opened and I heard the voice of God declare, that every thing the Angel had told us was True, and that the Book of Mormon was Translated correct. I was commanded by God’s Voice to testify to the whole world what I had seen and heard.

Joseph Homer Snow recalled the time that Martin Harris came to have dinner with his family:

Mother asked him these questions: “Did you actually see an angel and hear him speak?”

He said, “Just as much so as I see you and hear you speak.” “Will you describe how he stood?” Mother asked.

He said, “He stood at least twenty inches off the ground, and he had records in his hand—The Book of Mormon. He turned the leaves and declared that it was the work of the Lord and that it was true. He commanded us to bear that testimony to the world.”

Stephen Burnett plainly misrepresented Martin Harris’s testimony about his own experience: Harris would never have gone along with Burnett’s “only in vision,” let alone with the notion that his experience was merely “imaginary.” So why should we trust Burnett’s account of Harris’s alleged account of the experience of the other Witnesses? After all, Harris’s supposed claim that the other Witnesses were reluctant to endorse their published testimony is, on the basis of evidence to which we’ve already alluded, extremely suspect.

In a notarized statement dated 29 October 1921, George Godfrey, who prepared Martin Harris’s grave in Clarkston, Utah, summarized his lengthy acquaintance with the Witness. Then he offered this interesting statement:

Prior to his death and in his last sickness I sat up nights with him upon many an occasion, in connection with my Brothers, John E. Godfrey and Thomas Godfrey, both of whom now reside at Clarkston, aforesaid, and who can make affidavit to the things I am herein stating: that many times I have heard the said Martin Harris bear witness to the truthfulness and genuineness of the Book of Mormon, at times when he was enjoying good health and spirits and when he was on his deathbed; that his testimony never varied; that I have seen others and that I myself have tried to entrap him relative to the testimony which he bore, by cros [sic] questioning him relative to the scenes and events which are Church History in connection with the bringing forth of the Book of Mormon; that upon all of these questions his mind was clear as it is possible for the human mind to be, and that his testimonies have left no tract [sic] in my mind that he actually converse with an angel who bore testimony to him of the truthfulness of the records contained in the Book of Mormon; that he saw and handled the gold plates from which the said records were taken; that a few hours before his death, and when he was so weak and enfeebled that he was unable to recognize me or anyone, and knew not to whom he was speaking, I asked him if he did not feel that there was an element, at least, of fraudulence and deception in the things that were written and told of the coming forth of the Book of Mormon, and he replied as he had always done, and many, many times in my hearing, and with the same spirit that he always manifested when enjoying health and vigor: “The Book of Mormon is no fake. I know what I know. I have seen what I have seen, and I have heard what I have heard. I have seen and handled the gold plates from which the Book of Mormon is written. An angel appeared to me and others and testified to the truthfulness of the record, and had I been willing to have perjured myself and sworn falsely to the testimony I now bear, I could have been a rich man, but I could not have testified other than I have done and am now doing, for these things are true.”

Martin Harris was buried with a copy of the Book of Mormon in his right hand, and a copy of the Doctrine and Covenants in his left. In a patriarchal blessing given to him by Joseph Smith, Sr., Harris was promised that thy testimony shall yet convince its thousands and its tens of thousands; yea it shall shine like the sun, and though the wicked seek to overthrow it, it shall be in vain, for the Lord God shall bear it off victorious.

In 1848, the year before he died, Oliver Cowdery received rebaptism into the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints at Kanesville, Iowa. Before an audience of approximately two thousand, including non-members of the Church, Cowdery bore witness of the coming forth of the Book of Mormon, the restoration of the Aaronic and Melchizedek priesthoods, and the divine calling of Joseph Smith. “I beheld with my eye and handled with my hands the gold plates from which it was translated. I also beheld the Interpreters. That book is true.”

Cowdery was bedridden for most of 1849, probably as a result of chronic pulmonary tuberculosis, and died at Richmond, Missouri, on 3 March 1850. A few months before his death, Cowdery was visited by Jacob Gates, a Latter-day Saint traveling eastward on a mission to England who had been a friend since before Cowdery’s 1838 excommunication. In the course of conversation, Gates asked him about his experience as one of the Witnesses to the Book of Mormon. Had it been a dream? Was it imagination, or illusion, or mere mythology? Cowdery rose from the place where he was resting, retrieved a first edition copy of the Book of Mormon, and read aloud the Testimony of the Three Witnesses. Then, turning to face Gates, he said,

Jacob, I want you to remember what I say to you. I am a dying man, and what would it profit me to tell you a lie? I know . . . that this Book

of Mormon was translated by the gift and power of God. My eyes saw, my ears heard, and my understanding was touched, and I know that whereof I testified is true. It was no dream, no vain imagination of the mind—it was real.

David Whitmer lived until 1888, the last of the Witnesses to the Book of Mormon.

Consequently, he was the most interviewed of all of them.

“Each witness of the Book of Mormon,” Richard Lloyd Anderson justly observes, was an individualist. In David Whitmer, this quality verged on the stubborn. Whether in Mormon society or not, he stood like a rock for his principles. This outspoken and utterly honest personality would have been the first to detect fraud and expose it.

Whitmer was excommunicated from the Church on 13 April 1838 after a period of doctrinal disagreement, financial stress, persecution, and upheaval. Yet when, in 1886, the Omaha Herald asked him whether he “still believed that Joseph Smith was a divinely inspired prophet,” David Whitmer replied, “I know he was, it is not a matter of belief.”

The young James Henry Moyle, who had just received his law degree from the University of Michigan and was returning home to Utah, took a detour to Richmond, Missouri, for the sole purpose of interviewing David Whitmer. When he saw the Witness, he implored him to tell the truth. He told Whitmer of the sacrifices that his family had made for the gospel’s sake, driven from state to state and finally pulling a handcart all the way to the arid desert of the Great Basin.

I said to him: “I was born and reared in the Church and I do pray of you to let me know if there is any possibility of your having been deceived. I am just commencing life as you are preparing to lay it down, and I beg of you to tell me if there is anything connected with the testimony which you have borne to the world that could possibly have been deceptive or misunderstood.” I further said, in an earnest youthful appeal, that I didn’t want to go through life believing in a falsehood, that it was in his power to make known the truth to me. His answer was unequivocal. There was no question about its truthfulness. The angel had stood in a little clear place in the woods with nothing between them but a fallen log—the angel on one side and the witnesses on the other. It had all occurred in broad, clear daylight. He saw the plates and heard the angel with unmistakable clearness.

“He was the first witness I ever attempted to cross examine,” Moyle wrote many years later, “and I did so with all the intensity of my impelling desire to know the truth. The interview lasted two and one-half hours.” The young lawyer, who subsequently served as assistant secretary of the treasury in two federal administrations, came away utterly convinced of David Whitmer’s sincerity.

Throughout his life, Whitmer insisted that the experience was literal, and physical, not merely imaginary or “spiritual.” Joseph Smith III, for example, recalled an 1884 exchange between the Witness and a non-Mormon identified as Colonel Giles:

Rather suggestively he asked if it might not have been possible that he, Mr. Whitmer, had been mistaken and had simply been moved upon by some mental disturbance, or hallucination, which had deceived them into thinking he saw the Personage, the Angel, the plates, the Urim and Thummim, and the sword of Laban. How well and distinctly I remember the manner in which Elder Whitmer arose and drew himself up to his full height — a little over six feet — and said, in solemn and impressive tones: “No, sir! I was not under any hallucination, nor was I deceived! I saw with these eyes and I heard with these ears! I know whereof I speak!’”

In a letter to Anthony Metcalf dated 2 April 1887, Whitmer again insisted on the literal reality of what he had seen: “Of course we were in the spirit when we had the view, for no man can behold the face of an angel, except in a spiritual view, but we were in the body also, and everything was as natural to us, as it is at any time.” To Orson Pratt and Joseph F. Smith, nearly a decade earlier, he testified:

I saw [the plates, the Sword of Laban, the Urim and Thummim, and other artifacts] just as plain as I see this bed (striking his hand upon the bed beside him), and I heard the voice of the Lord, as distinctly as I ever heard anything in my life, declaring that the records of the plates of the Book of Mormon were translated by the gift and power of God.”

“I saw them as plain as I see you now,” he told a reporter from the Kansas City Journal in 1881. He frequently emphasized that the angel and the table on which the plates and other objects rested was very close to him and the other Witnesses, within about three to six feet. “Mr. Whitmer describes every detail of the ‘vision’ with great precision,” reported the Omaha Herald in 1886, “and much fervency.”

P. Wilhelm Poulson interviewed David Whitmer in 1878. When Poulson asked him if the Eight Witnesses did not “handle the plates,” Whitmer replied, “We did not, but they did.”19

The 26 January 1888 issue of the Richmond Conservator reported on the last days of David Whitmer in memorable detail:

On Sunday evening before his death he called the family and his attending physician, Dr. George W. Buchanan, to his bedside, and said “Doctor do you consider that I am in my right mind?” to which the Doctor replied, “Yes, you are in your right mind, I have just had a conversation with you.” He then addressed himself to all present and said: “I want to give my dying testimony. You must be faithful in Christ. I want to say to you all that the Bible and the record of the Nephites, (The Book of Mormon) are true, so you can say that you have heard me bear my testimony on my death bed. All be faithful in Christ and your reward will be according to your works. God bless you all. My trust is in Christ forever, worlds without end. Amen.

“I have been visited by thousands of people,” David Whitmer told James H. Hart in 1883, believers and unbelievers, men and ladies of all degrees, sometimes as many as 15 in one day, and have never failed in my testimony. And they will know some day that my testimony is true.

As Richard Anderson points out, ten of the forty-two surviving testimonies from the Eight Witnesses mention handling the plates. Lucy Mack Smith, who knew the Witnesses well and was there that day, says that they “looked upon the plates and handled them.”20 William Smith, son and brother to several of the Eight, said that all of them testified “that they not only Saw with their eyes but handled with their hands the said record.” 21

Perhaps already responding to suggestions that the experience of the Eight Witnesses was merely “spiritual” and visionary, Hyrum Smith insisted during an 1838 speech that it was entirely real. “He said that he had but two hands and two eyes,” Sally Parker remembered in a letter written in August of that year. “He said he had seen the plates with his eyes and handled them with his hands.” The year previously, Hyrum married Mary Fielding. Shortly thereafter, her brother, Joseph Fielding, wrote, “My sister bears testimony that her husband has seen and handled the plates.”22 And Hyrum himself wrote, in December 1839, of his sufferings in Missouri, where he had been arrested in the fall of 1838 and then imprisoned in the ironically named Liberty Jail from the beginning of December to the beginning of April:

I had been abused and thrust into a dungeon, and confined for months on account of my faith, and the “testimony of Jesus Christ.” However I thank God that I felt a determination to die rather than deny the things which my eyes had seen, which my hands had handled, and which I had borne testimony to, wherever my lot had been cast. And I can assure my beloved brethren that I was enabled to bear as strong a testimony, when nothing but death presented itself, as ever I did in my life.

Samuel Smith, Hyrum’s brother and another of the Eight Witnesses, bore his testimony in the presence of fifteen-year-old Daniel Tyler, who summarized it as simply “He knew his brother Joseph had the plates, for the prophet had shown them to him, and he had handled them and seen the engravings thereon.”23

In an 1836 editorial in the Church newspaper, John Whitmer bore strong testimony of his experience as one of the Witnesses:

I desire to testify to all that will come to the knowledge of this address, that I have most assuredly seen the plates from whence the Book of Mormon is translated, and that I have handled these plates, and know of a surety that Joseph Smith, Jr., has translated the Book of Mormon by the gift and power of God. . . Therefore, know ye, O ye inhabitants of the earth, wherever this address may come, that I have in this thing freed my garments of your blood, whether you believe or disbelieve.

But John Whitmer was excommunicated on 10 March 1838, one month before his brother David, and never returned to the Church.

For a brief period, it even appears that John’s spiritual confidence in the Book of Mormon had been shaken by his separation from his former associates and by his bitterness over economic and other issues raised by the Church’s sojourn in Missouri. He was sorrowful and dejected about his excommunication, but also, for at least a time, quite angry at the Church in general and Joseph Smith in particular. Of all the Witnesses, he comes the closest, in a sense, to denying his testimony. During the 1839 exchange with Theodore Turley that we’ve already mentioned, Whitmer confessed to doubts about whether the Book of Mormon was true. Speaking of the original text on the plates, he said, “I cannot read it, and I do not know whether it is true or not.” Nonetheless, he insisted, “I handled those plates; there were fine engravings on both sides. I handled them.”

This is highly impressive. Unlike the Three Witnesses, who heard a divine voice testify to the truth of the translation of the plates, the Eight Witnesses simply saw the plates under quite matter-of-fact conditions. Yet, even in the depths of his alienation and bitterness, even when he was most inclined to doubt what he could not see for himself, even living, as he did, in the area of the worst anti-Mormon persecutions, John Whitmer could not deny that he had “lifted and handled a metal object of substantial weight.”

Moreover, the bitterness, or at least the skepticism, was short-lived. After 1856, John Whitmer was the last survivor of the Eight Witnesses. In 1861, Jacob Gates spoke

with him for more than four hours. Gates then wrote of John Whitmer in his journal: “[H]e still testified that the Book of Mormon is true and that Joseph Smith was a Prophet of the Lord.”

Myron Bond reported in 1878 that old Father John Whitmer told me last winter, with tears in his eyes, that he knew as well as he knew he had an existence that Joseph translated the ancient writing which was upon the plates, which he “saw and handled,” and which, as one of the scribes, he helped to copy, as the words fell from Joseph’s lips, by supernatural or almighty power.

P. Wilhelm Poulson interviewed him that same year:

I said: I am aware that your name is affixed to the testimony in the Book of Mormon, that you saw the plates? He—It is so, and that testimony is true. I—Did you handle the plates with your hands? He—I did so! I—Then they were a material substance? He—Yes, as material as anything can be. I—They were heavy to lift? He—Yes, and you know gold is a heavy metal, they were very heavy. I—How big were the leaves? He—So far as I recollect, 8 by 6 or 7 inches. I— Were the leaves thick? He—Yes, just so thick, that characters could be engraven on both sides. I—How were the leaves joined together? He—In three rings, each one in the shape of a D with the straight line towards the centre I—Did you see them covered with a cloth?

He—No. He handed them uncovered into our hands, and we turned the leaves sufficient to satisfy us.24

Finally, six months before his death, John Whitmer spoke at a public Sunday service. His remarks were reported in the Kingston Sentinel, as follows:

Mr. Whitmer is considered a truthful, honest and law abiding citizen by this community, and consequently, his appointment drew out a large audience. Mr. Whitmer stated that he had often handled the identical golden plates which Mr. Smith received from the hand of the angel. He said it was of pure gold; part of the book was sealed up solid, the other part was open, and it was this part which was translated.”

Were there real plates? Yes, there were. If anything in early Mormon history is well established, surely the existence of the plates is. Let’s consider the testimonies of several unofficial witnesses.

The sixteen-year-old William Smith always remembered the night when his older brother, Joseph, outran pursues and brought the plates into the Smith home. William lifted the plates that night, and estimated their weight at about sixty pounds.25 Joseph Smith’s sister Katharine hefted the covered plates on several different occasions. She too recalled his arrival home with the plates and remembered that they were “wrapped . . . up in his frock”:

When he got to the door he said:

“Father, I have been followed; look and see if you can see any one.” He then threw himself on the bed and fainted, and when he came to he told us the circumstances; he had his thumb put out of place and his arm was very lame.

Her grandson, Herbert Salisbury, remembered Katharine relating that “When [Joseph] came in the house . . . he was completely out of breath. She took the plates from him and laid them on the table temporarily, and helped revive him until he got breathing properly, and also examined his hand, and treated it for the bruises on his knuckles.”

She said he entered the house running and threw himself on a couch, panting from his extraordinary exertion. She told me Joseph allowed her to “heft” the package but not to see the gold plates, as the angel had forbidden him to show them at that period. She said they were very heavy.

Martin Harris says that he and his family lifted the plates in a box when they were first looking into Joseph’s claims, and that he held the plates on his knee for a time while he and Joseph were preparing to hide them in the woods. He said that “he had hefted the plates repeatedly.” 26 Harris put their weight at between forty and fifty, or forty and sixty, pounds.27 Like his fellow Witness David Whitmer, Harris gave the dimensions of the plates as seven by eight inches.28

William could feel the shape of the plates through the cloth that covered them. “They were not quite as large as this Bible,” he said. “Could tell whether they were round or square. Could raise the leaves this way (raising a few leaves of the Bible before him). One could easily tell that they were not stone, hewn out to deceive, or even a block of wood. Being a mixture of gold and copper, they were much heavier than stone, and very much heavier than wood.” 29

28 Joseph Smith recalled them as being six by eight inches; Orson Pratt, who had spoken with all of the principal figures, agreed with Harris and Whitmer that they were seven by eight inches. See Henrichsen, JBMS, 18.

“I could tell,” said William Smith, “they were plates of some kind and that they were fastened together by rings running through the back.”30 The rings are a striking feature. We’ve already heard John Whitmer’s testimony that there were three of them, shaped like a capital D. Based on his interviews with two of the Three Witnesses and especially with Hyrum Smith, William McClellin also knew of connecting “rings in the shape of the letter D, which,” he says, “facilitated the opening and shutting of the book” (in the manner of modern three-ring binders).31 David Whitmer also described the three D- shaped rings. It’s difficult to imagine this degree of consensus regarding such an unusual detail if the plates were only imaginary or never uncovered. A brief article by Warren Aston, forthcoming in the FARMS Insights newsletter, will examine the significance of these rings and (this is still under discussion) may point out a striking ancient parallel to them.

Emma Smith, two months before her death, told her eldest son that

The plates often lay on the table without any attempt at concealment, wrapped in a small linen table cloth, which I had given him to fold them in. I once felt of the plates as they thus lay on the table, tracing their outline and shape. They seemed to be pliable like thick paper, and would rustle with a metallic sound when the edges were moved by the thumb, as one sometimes thumb the edges of a book. [I] moved them from place to place on the table as it was necessary on doing my housework.”

One striking and often unnoticed aspect of the experience of the Three Witnesses is the fact that they did not see only the golden plates. The vision was considerably more complex than that, making deception (via the fabrication of fake ancient artifacts) an even more remote possibility. According to repeated testimony, besides the plates of the Book of Mormon and the angel, both the sealed and the unsealed portion, they saw the Urim and Thummim and the accompanying breastplate, the “Ball” or “Director” (called the “Liahona” in the Book of Mormon), the Sword of Laban, the brass plates, and “many other plates.”

“The Urim and Thummim were two white stones,” David Whitmer told P. Wilhelm Poulson in 1878, “each of them cased in as spectacles are, in a kind of silver casing, but the bow between the stones was more heavy, and longer apart between the stones, than we usually find it in spectacles.”

Lucy Mack Smith “examined” the Urim and Thummim and “found that it consisted of two smooth three-cornered diamonds set in glass, and the glasses were set in silver bows, which were connected with each other in much the same way as old fashioned spectacles.”

Lucy Mack Smith on the breastplate

It was wrapped in a thin muslin handkerchief, so thin that I could see the glistening metal, and ascertain its proportions without any difficulty.

It was concave on one side and convex on the other, and extended from the neck downwards, as far as the centre of the stomach of a man of extraordinary size. It had four straps of the same material, for the purpose of fastening it to the breast, two of which ran back to go over the shoulders, and the other two were designed to fasten to the hips. They were just the width of two of my fingers, (for I measured them,) and they had holes in the ends of them, to be convenient in fastening.

David Whitmer, saw the receptacle in which the plates had lain in the Hill Cumorah. “It was a stone box,” he told P. Wilhelm Poulson in 1878, “and the stones looked to me as if they were cemented together. That was on the side of the hill, and a little down from the top.” According to a reporter for the Chicago Times, who interviewed Whitmer in August 1875, “Three times has he been at the hill Cumorah and seen the casket that contained the tablets, and the seer-stone. Eventually the casket had been washed down to the foot of the hill, but it was to be seen when he last visited the historic place.” Both the Chicago Tribune in December 1885 and the Chicago Times in January 1888 reported his testimony that he and Oliver Cowdery had been guided to the Hill Cumorah by Joseph Smith on one occasion, during which they had seen the receptacle together.

Accordingly, in order to save his unbelief, Vogel must invent elaborate metallurgical fraud as well as invoke complex collective hallucination. He suddenly suggests, without even a trace of supporting evidence, that Joseph Smith might perhaps, conceivably, have faked a set of tin plates in order to deceive his friends. This unevidenced and rather implausible pseudofact is, however, a topic for another occasion, when we will also need to consider how the poor farmboy Joseph Smith also managed, it seems, to create a forged sword of Laban, a bogus Liahona, a fake breastplate, and a stage-prop Urim and Thummim, and then somehow lost them without a trace.

“Secular historians are . . . more inclined than Mormons to suppress source material from Joseph’s closest associates,” remarks the distinguished Columbia University historian Richard L. Bushman. Since, he says, quoting extensively from the reminiscences of those closest to the events would tend to suffuse a modern narrative with their own faith, and would turn readers’ attention to Joseph’s transparently sincere desire to obey God, “believing historians are more inclined to be true to the basic sources than unbelieving ones.”32

Watch this lecture on our Youtube site at:

Pt. 1- http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5acjjXygMJg

Pt. 2- http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eO0nqle7NEo

Pt. 3- http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9yQqc2CL4YE

Pt. 4- http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_k6HwbyGcwE

Pt. 5- http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=G1YfhW_NTc8

32 Bushman, “The Recovery of the Book of Mormon,” 24, 26.

 

Search topics Book of Mormon witnesses; Three Witnesses; Eight Witnesses; gold plates; physical evidence for the Book of Mormon; David Whitmer testimony; Martin Harris testimony; Oliver Cowdery testimony; witnesses handling the gold plates; tangible evidence for the Restoration CES Letter Book of Mormon witnesses; criticism of the Book of Mormon witnesses; were the Book of Mormon witnesses reliable; did the witnesses really see the gold plates; Book of Mormon witness testimony; Joseph Smith gold plates criticism

Brant A. Gardner

Brant A. Gardner

Book of Mormon Scholar • Mesoamericanist • FAIR Conference Speaker

Brant A. Gardner, Book of Mormon scholar and FAIR Conference speaker

Read Brant Gardner's statement of faith ↓

Brant A. Gardner received a master’s degree in anthropology from the State University of New York at Albany, specializing in Mesoamerican ethnohistory. His work has focused particularly on reading the Book of Mormon in its historical, cultural, and literary contexts, with special attention to ancient Mesoamerica.

Gardner is the author of Second Witness: Analytical and Contextual Commentary on the Book of Mormon, Traditions of the Fathers: The Book of Mormon as History, The Gift and Power: Translating the Book of Mormon, Engraven Upon Plates, Printed Upon Paper: Textual and Narrative Structures of the Book of Mormon, and The Plates of Mormon: A Book of Mormon Study Edition Based on Textual and Narrative Structures in the English Translation, published by Kofford Books.

Gardner has also been a longtime contributor to Latter-day Saint scholarship and apologetics and has presented multiple times at the FAIR Conference. His research brings together anthropology, Mesoamerican ethnohistory, textual analysis, and close reading of the Book of Mormon to explore questions of translation, historicity, culture, and the structure of the text.

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Brant A. Gardner’s statement of faith

Books have typically defined both my intellectual and religious life. In my very early teens a relative gave me a book surveying world archaeology, and from that time some tie to antiquity formed in my soul and brain and eventually dictated my selection of graduate studies. That fondness for archaeology and ancient history began to intermingle with my understanding and testimony of the Book of Mormon when I found Thomas S. Ferguson’s One Fold, One Shepherd among my father’s books. From the time I first picked it up, my interests in the gospel and in archaeology had fused. My father never got the book back.

I took that excitement about the Book of Mormon and archaeology with me on my mission in Spain. When I returned, the excitement still burned brightly enough that I decided that I should take my new fluency in Spanish to the chronicles that surely supported everything in the Book of Mormon. I wanted to be able to say that I knew that they were true because I had read the sources and they said just that. I did: They didn’t. I didn’t lose any faith in the Book of Mormon, but I certainly lost faith in LDS writers who opined about New World history and the Book of Mormon (including One Fold, One Shepherd). By the early 1970s, I resigned myself to the role of gadfly, poking at the obvious problems with the armchair archaeologists and their misuse of information relative to the Book of Mormon. Then I met John Sorenson.

Dr. Sorenson allowed me to vent about the problems that were obvious in the way LDS writers had attempted to use archaeology and history in support of the Book of Mormon. His response was to give me a manuscript (about a decade before it was published as An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon). At that time, my mental picture of Nephites and Lamanites vacillated between movie depictions of ancient Jerusalem and the Romans-from-an-alternate-universe depictions of Arnold Friberg. Sorenson painted a picture that comfortably placed the Book of Mormon in Mesoamerica. I didn’t, and don’t, agree with all of Sorenson’s analyses, but he gave me a context in which for the first time I could see how the Book of Mormon could plausibly fit into a real place and time.

Nevertheless, the Book of Mormon took a distant back seat to the exciting world of Mesoamerican studies. However, while doing some fieldwork in Guatemala, all of the note cards I had amassed towards a dissertation were stolen. In the days of typewriters rather than computers, there were no backups. Lost was lost. Right at the point where all that remained was the final examination and the dissertation, that disheartening loss and our economic realities led my wife and me to decide that I should stop my program for a year and earn some money to get us on our feet. It has been a very, very, long year.

While concentrating on trying to find a way to support and raise a family, interests in Mesoamerica lingered in my reading. Eventually, it was the Internet that provided the impetus to reintegrate my academic interests and love for the Book of Mormon. While participating on a fascinating email list, the owner/moderator of the list asked if I would be willing to write a weekly column. I remembered James Faulconer‘s book entitled Scripture Study: Tools and Suggestions (FARMS, 1999). Faulconer suggested that one might go through the scriptures slowly and to ask lots of questions of them. Having read several scholarly commentaries on books of the Bible, I keenly felt the lack of a similarly scholarly and comprehensive commentary for the Book of Mormon. I agreed to do the article as an ongoing commentary on the Book of Mormon that would go slowly so as to be able to ask lots of questions of the text.

It has been a fascinating project and in some ways a blind leap of faith. Considering my background in Mesoamerican religious ethnohistory and Sorenson’s foundational work, I determined to read the text against a Mesoamerican historical and cultural background. When I started, I didn’t know if it would work, but I began as though it would. I soon found that whenever I attempted to look ahead I was going to be wrong. I had to plug along a verse at a time.

It was not so much a process of fitting the Book of Mormon into a Mesoamerican setting as it was the text opening my eyes to the world in which it was written. The authors had to tell me their story; I couldn’t impose one on them. Why did the people in the Book of Mormon have the specific problems they had? Why did Nephite apostasy always take a very similar form? Why was victory defined so differently from my understanding of European history? Why did some faith-promoting stories in the text make so little sense if you looked at the story carefully?

The authors seemed to patiently explain how their particular culture at their particular time provided the background that seemed to naturally answer such questions. Of course, I mean that metaphorically. The text, seen through the plodding and gradual travel through time and space, was not only a different kind of fit than I had imagined, it was a better one.

The Book of Mormon is very different from what I read as a teenager or even as a young father. The text is the same, but now I read about some of my best friends. They were real people with real lives, real problems, and, perhaps best of all, real solutions. Even after the commentary was published, the Book of Mormon keeps reminding me that there is even more to its story. I had thought I would have finished, but it seems that there is still more to understand. The Book of Mormon has become richer, more nuanced, more understandable—yet no more true.

The Book that Mormon created was written by a very human man. It was translated by a very human man. Nevertheless, both Mormon and Joseph were touched by the divine, and it is the divine that shines in and through the text. It makes so much more sense to my mind as I understand it against history. The divine in it continues to make sense to my heart.

It always did. It always will.

February 2011

A Few Hundred Hints of Egyptian and Northwest Semitic in Uto-Aztecan

Start Here

Question
Is there linguistic evidence linking the Book of Mormon to ancient Hebrew or Egyptian languages?

Short Answer
Some researchers, including linguist Brian Stubbs, argue that there are meaningful linguistic parallels between the Uto-Aztecan language family and ancient Semitic languages like Hebrew and Egyptian. These include shared vocabulary, consistent sound patterns, and similar grammatical structures. However, these findings have not yet been formally accepted by the broader linguistic community.
Key Takeaways
  • Linguistic comparisons suggest hundreds of potential parallels between Uto-Aztecan languages and Hebrew/Egyptian.
  • Proposed similarities include sound correspondences (e.g., b → p, t → s) and shared word meanings.
  • Some grammatical features—like plural endings and verb forms—also show similarities.
  • These patterns are presented as preliminary research, not yet peer-reviewed or widely accepted.
  • The absence of academic consensus does not necessarily mean evidence does not exist, especially in a field that develops slowly over time.

Summary

Summary

Brian Stubbs presents a detailed linguistic argument proposing connections between the Uto-Aztecan language family and Semitic languages such as Hebrew and Egyptian. Drawing on decades of research, he highlights hundreds of potential correspondences, including shared roots, similar meanings, and consistent phonological patterns such as b → p, t → s, and shifts involving pharyngeal consonants.

Beyond vocabulary, Stubbs emphasizes structural parallels—plural suffixes, verb forms, and article prefixes—that suggest deeper relationships than simple borrowing. He argues that these patterns may align with the Book of Mormon narrative, particularly the interaction of Nephite and Mulekite populations and their languages.

Stubbs acknowledges that his work has not yet been formally published or accepted by the linguistic community. However, he reports strong informal reactions from both LDS and non-LDS scholars. He concludes that the absence of accepted linguistic evidence does not necessarily mean such evidence does not exist, especially given the slow and complex nature of historical linguistics.

TL;DR

TL;DR (Too Long; Didn’t Read)

Brian Stubbs argues that there are meaningful linguistic parallels between Uto-Aztecan languages and ancient Hebrew and Egyptian. These include consistent sound changes, similar word meanings, and shared grammatical structures like plural endings and verb forms.

While this research is still developing and has not yet been formally accepted by the broader linguistic community, Stubbs presents it as evidence that language relationships described in the Book of Mormon may be more plausible than often assumed.

Note About the Slides in this Presentation

Note on Visuals:

The original slides from Brian Stubbs’ presentation were not available. The visuals included here were created using AI to help illustrate the concepts discussed. Every effort has been made to accurately reflect the speaker’s intent; however, any errors or oversimplifications are our own.

Language of the Book of Mormon Record

You’re all aware that in First Nephi—I believe it’s the second verse of the whole Book of Mormon—Nephi says that:

…I make a record in the language of my father, which consists of the learning of the Jews and the language of the Egyptians.

And of course, they left Jerusalem where Hebrew was spoken. It’s been a matter of discussion and debate among LDS scholars whether they:

  1. spoke only Hebrew; or,
  2. Hebrew and knew something of Egyptian.

But that debate has never really been resolved. In fact, I’ve discussed it with a few of the LDS scholars at BYU and mentioned to them that the real way to solve that debate is to look at American Indian languages.

Approach to Linguistic Evidence

Now, let’s give you a little background.

We don’t have time to make you linguists, and we don’t have time to teach you Hebrew and Egyptian. But we’re going to try to give you an overview of some of the basics.

The Book of Mormon is an account of:

  • the people of Lehi mainly, but others—
  • the Jaredites and
  • the Mulekites.

And of course, they came out of Jerusalem, presumably speaking Hebrew or something of the Northwest Semitic dialect, and came to the Americas. Their population increased in the Americas.

American Indian Languages and Criticism

Looking at American Indian languages, there are approximately 2,000 American Indian languages. Or there were, I should say. (There are) about a thousand now. About half of them have become extinct in the last few centuries.

The critics of the Book of Mormon say that no one has shown evidence of any American Indian language being descended from Hebrew or Egyptian, thus discounting the Book of Mormon. Or, no one has shown it to the satisfaction of the linguistic community.

Now, a linguist is a language scientist. They are the final word on whether two languages are related or not.

What Is a Language Family?

I am a linguist. I’ve been researching in a particular language family for the past 30 years, and we’re going to focus on that language family.

In fact, let’s talk about language families before we go any further.

A language family starts out some ancient time. They call this a proto-language—the original language, the old language. And from this are descended other languages.

How Languages Evolve Over Time

And interestingly, each of these languages, given time, will also separate. People move and go different places, and the language changes with time.

In fact, all living languages are always changing. So is English. Every living language changes. And from those, these become separate branches and other languages develop.

You get the picture.

Language Families in the Americas

Anyway, in the Americas there are about 2,000 languages. And these languages are organized into about 157 different language families.

That means that there are 157 different groups of related languages, each group coming from its proto form. But these different groups are not necessarily related to each other.

Some proposals have proposed that, ‘hey, this group (or this group of groups) are related in a larger picture’. And some of those will inevitably be shown to be the case. But as of now, there are about 157 language families. That’s quite a few.

Comparing Time Depth: Lehi and Other Language Families

If we look at the time depth of Lehi—Lehi came to the Americas about 2,600 years ago. Only 2,600 years ago! If we look at other language families with a time depth of 2,600 years, for example:

  • The Latin or Italic language family has descended from Latin.
  • You have Spanish, French, Portuguese, and so forth descending from Latin over about the last 2,000 years.
  • Germanic—that’s the language family that English belongs to, and also German and Dutch and many of the Scandinavian languages and so forth—all descend from Proto-Germanic, we call it, over about the last 3,000 years.

Expected vs. Observed Linguistic Patterns

So when you look at the similarities of languages descended from Latin, they’re very similar. There’s no problem seeing the relationship. Same thing with Germanic.

We should see something like that in the Americas—and yet it is problematic to see that.

First of all, if Lehi was the only one in the Americas, then there should only be one language family instead of 157. So we know that many other groups have come to the Americas besides Lehi.

Multiple Migration Sources

In fact, of these 157 language families, two of them are convincingly demonstrated to be from across the Bering Strait. Probably others were as well. But the language evidence suggests that at least two of these came from across the Bering Strait. A third one has some evidence for it.

The many sources of these language families would include Bering Strait people who entered the Americas.

Book of Mormon Peoples and Linguistic Diversity

You have Lehites or Lamanites and a few Nephites. You have the Mulekites.

Now remember, the Mulekites and Nephites mixed in the Book of Mormon about 200 BC or so—that’s just a guess. And that group of Mulekites might only be one of many.

I mean, the group of Mulekites that the Nephites mixed with would only be one of each of the branches.

Complex Population Mixing

In other words, you’d have many other Mulekite descendants, probably, and this one group mixed with the Nephites.

You’d also have other groups of Lehites, and only this one group mixed with the Mulekites.

You also probably have leftover Jaredites.

Jaredite Influence Hypothesis

My guess is that the Jaredites might be as prominent in the Americas as any, mainly because of 157 different language families.

And of course, the Jaredites date from about the Tower of Babel, which is basically the history of the earth. Since Noah, anyway.

Language Mixing in the Americas

There are probably many other sources besides those. And what happens is, when language groups get in contact with each other, the languages mix.

Many languages are mixtures of various languages. For example, English is very much a mixture. It comes from Old English originally, so it’s called a Germanic language.

However, at various points in time, English has borrowed a lot from Latin. And the two or three centuries after 1066, when the Norman French speakers conquered the British Isles and ruled for a couple of centuries, much French was borrowed into English.

English as an Example of Language Blending

So much French and so much Latin, and other times, that in an unabridged English dictionary, the Germanic part of our vocabulary is actually quite small compared to the Latin dimension of our vocabulary.

But we still call it a Germanic language.

Now, this kind of thing has probably been happening in the Americas.

  • Bering Strait languages
  • old leftover Jaredite languages
  • Lamanite
  • Nephite
  • Mulekite languages
  • and a lot of other things that have arrived in the Americas besides those

have been mixing.

And so it’s a very sticky mess.

Introducing the Uto-Aztecan Language Family

Nevertheless, there’s one language family that we’d like to focus on, and that is the Uto-Aztecan language family.

The Uto-Aztecan language family is a group of about 30 American Indian languages that linguists recognize as being one language family descended from a single proto-language called Proto-Uto-Aztecan.

Geography and Structure of Uto-Aztecan

There are about eight branches of it. In other words, it was divided into about eight different groups. And then those groups had the other descended languages.

This language family exists in the southwest United States and in northwest Mexico.

The name “Uto-Aztecan” comes from:

  • the Utes on the north here in Utah, and
  • the branch related to the Utes—which includes
    • the Shoshoni of Wyoming and
    • other languages in Nevada and
    • eastern California—and
  • “Aztecan” because that’s the south end of the language family.

Examples of Uto-Aztecan Languages

The Hopi, for example, are a Uto-Aztecan language.

Pima and Papago (Tohono O’odham) in Arizona, the various Ute groups—there are about a dozen languages in southern California where the northern branch split and spread from.

There are about 15 languages in northwest Mexico: the Tarahumara (the great distance runners), and Cora and Huichol and Yaqui, and many of the Tepiman languages.

Scope and Significance of the Research

Anyway, we don’t have time to really go into a lot of detail about that. But the Uto-Aztecan language family is an American Indian language family that is one of the larger ones.

I mean, 30 languages is quite a few.

This is some research I’ve been working on for a number of years. It has not yet been published, but it will be. Give me another two or three years maybe.

Scholarly Feedback on the Research

However, I have shared it with a prominent Semiticist and a Uto-Aztecanist, and I’m a Uto-Aztecanist myself.

So I’ve shared it with my peers, and those whom I’ve shared it with privately are quite overwhelmed at the number of similarities and the closeness of them.

Morphemes and Plural Forms

For example—let’s see, let’s enlarge that a little bit. There we go. I know linguistics, but I’m technologically challenged.

Here we have the Hebrew on the left. Three different words or morphemes—which is a unit of a word—with meaning.

The plural suffix in Hebrew is -im. It’s put on the end of words, just like in English we have -s:

  • “dog” and “dogs” for plural.

In fact, this plural is in a number of words that you’re familiar with.

  • Elohim, for example, is a plural. (Corresponding to Arabic Allah.) Eloah would be the singular; Elohim, the plural.
  • Urim is a plural—ur, light; urim, lights.
  • Thummim—thum, perfection; thummim, perfections.

Anyway, the plural suffix in Uto-Aztecan is reconstructed to be -ima.

Reconstructed Forms and Pronunciation

Now, some Uto-Aztecanists will argue with that. Nevertheless, there is good evidence for that.

They would argue about the vowel in front.

By the way, I need to tell you that we’re going to pronounce the vowels like you do in Spanish or most languages of the world. If you know Spanish or any other language besides English, it’s probably close to that. English changed them all.

Agreement Among Linguists

Anyway, the plural suffix in Uto-Aztecan is -ima.

And I talked with Wick Miller, the foremost Uto-Aztecanist, before his passing, and explained all the evidence suggesting that.

He agreed that that’s a decent reconstruction for that plural suffix in Uto-Aztecan.

Grammatical Parallels: Prefixes and Verbs

There’s also a passive prefix in Hebrew ni- that’s put on the beginning of verbs to make a verb passive. You know, “I ate the apple.” “The apple was eaten.”

(By the way, that is also reciprocal and reflexive. That just means “we did it to each other”—like “I fought him,” or “he was fought,” or “we fought each other.” Those are reciprocal and passive meanings that do overlap a lot in all languages.)

In Uto-Aztecan there is a prefix na-, which also makes verbs reciprocal and passive.

Verb Correspondences

There’s also a verb—it’s yāšab in later Hebrew, but originally it was yāšab with a b, and it means “to sit down.” It also means “to dwell or reside at a place.”

Well, in Uto-Aztecan there’s a verb yasipa, which also means “to sit down” and “to reside at a certain place.”

Historical Linguistic Reconstruction

Now, those are somewhat close.

However, when we consider the fact that the Hebrew plural suffix -im came from an older form. Ima is the original form. Linguists and Semiticists can figure out, looking at related languages, that the older original form was -ima.

Then we see that the plural suffix of the Near East—in Northwest Semitic—is identical to the Uto-Aztecan plural suffix.

Shared Linguistic Origins

Also, the Hebrew ni- came from an earlier na-—Semiticists know that and agree on that—identical to the Uto-Aztecan passive, reciprocal, and reflexive prefix.

Also, the Hebrew word yāšab changed its vowel at a certain time in the history of Hebrew, and it was originally yāšiba.

And the vowel pattern of the Uto-Aztecan verb is identical: yasipa, just a change from b to p.

Sound Change Patterns

Very interesting similarities. Now, these are only three similarities.

There are about a thousand such similarities between the Uto-Aztecan language family and Hebrew and Egyptian.

Now, trying to decide how many similarities—we have lots of them here. Let’s get into it a little bit further.

Systematic Sound Correspondences

There are three basic sound changes.

Now I need to explain here that linguists have found that sounds change in consistent patterns. So that this language changes this sound this way, and another language changes it another way—quite consistently within itself.

So that later this sound corresponds to another sound in the other related language.

Examples of Sound Changes

For example, Hebrew b in dagesh positions (which means at the beginning of a word or in certain positions) changed to kw in Uto-Aztecan.

The emphatic or pharyngeal ṣ changed to s.

That “c” with a little hook under it we’re going to use to represent the ts sound. In fact, that’s how it’s pronounced now in modern Israel.

The r changed to y or i, another very common change in world languages.

Lexical Comparisons

Keeping those three sound changes in mind, look at these similarities between Hebrew words and Uto-Aztecan words.

For example, the Hebrew verb ‘to boil’ or ‘ripen’ is bašal. The corresponding word is kwasa.

It’s missing the final l, but the b corresponds to kw, and the š corresponds to s.

Semantic and Phonological Matches

The Hebrew word for ‘flesh’ or ‘meat’ is bāśar (and other meanings). In Uto-Aztecan it’s kwasi.

Again, you see the b change to kw, the š corresponds to s, and the r goes to an i or y sound. (In fact, in some of the languages, the Y actually shows up.)

The verb for babba in Arabic but ṣabba in Hebrew—means ‘to latch onto something, to grab’ —like a lizard.

Multi-Meaning Correspondence Example

Notice the double b. That would cause a kw in Uto-Aztecan.

And interestingly, this corresponds perfectly. In Uto-Aztecan, takwa means ‘to close or lock’, like it does in Arabic and Hebrew and other semitic languages. It also means ‘to catch or grasp’, like it does in Arabic.

Striking Lexical Parallel

And one of the nouns coming from that verb is a word for lizard.

Sabb—or in Arabic, ḍabb—means lizard.

And in Uto-Aztecan, takwa also means lizard.

So here you have an identical form that has all three meanings:

  • to close or lock
  • to grab
  • lizard

They match phonologically—all the sounds match. They also have those same three meanings in Uto Aztecan.

Additional Verb and Pattern Examples

In fact, here are a couple of more examples. Shāb is a past tense. Shābad is the imperfect form of the conjugation. Don’t worry if you don’t understand all the words I’m using—we don’t have time to explain it—but you can get the picture here.

Anyway, šab saqqu—you see the s lining up, the double b to the qua, and the r to the y. Same thing with ṭaq.

Here are a few others. Mayim is the Hebrew word for water. Mim, mi, mima is the word for ocean in a number of Uto-Aztecan languages. The word for shoulder is similar.

I’m just going to go real fast here.

The word for shoulder—shekem or shikmo—shikmo if it’s got a suffix. Sikum—actually with an m sometimes. The capital N just means any kind of nasal. It changes according to the letter following it.

Singab—word for squirrel. If this word existed in Hebrew, it would match Arabic in a form of shigb. We don’t have that word for squirrel in ancient Hebrew because there is no need to talk about squirrels in the Old Testament.

But the sound correspondence is among Semitic languages themselves.

Semitic Language Family Context

By the way, Semitic—I might need to explain that term—is the language family to which Hebrew, Arabic, Babylonian, Ethiopic and Semitic languages belong. Arabic is closely related to Hebrew. Oh, and Aramaic—that will be important in our discussion.

Sound Change Patterns

Anyway, šigb would be the word in Hebrew; kʷul with a silent consonant at the end is the word in Uto-Aztecan.

G changed to C—that devoicing of G and D to C and T—and B to P in other positions is also established with several examples.

Another verb—Aramaic—and by the way, yes, these are examples of r changing to y or i.

Phonetic Relationships (i and y)

By the way, those are basically the same letter. You don’t think of i and y being the same letter.

But say the vowel i between two a’s, for example aya, and if you make the vowel long, it’s ē. But if you make it short, i, then the i becomes a y.

They’re both pronounced in exactly the same place in the mouth. So whether you see an i or a y, they’re basically the same.

More Comparative Examples

Anyway, shaq, the word for comb the hair—which I don’t have too much of anymore—and in Uto-Aztecan, suk. You see the y corresponding to the y, and everything else matches fairly well.

Kara—to go in circles or to do dances. In Southern Paiute, kia—to have a round dance.

Semantic and Motion Verbs

mar, to go or flow or pass by in Semitic languages generally; in Uto-Aztecan, mia.

barr in Arabic, meaning field or land as opposed to water; kwa in Uto-Aztecan.

And there’s actually one language that has the ru, so they have three examples in a row of an r between vowels going to y in Uto-Aztecan.

Transition to Broader Examples

There are several others, but we don’t have time for everything. Let’s skip those.

Oh, here are some interesting ones. Let’s take a look at these. I’m watching my clock here.

So what we’re going to do is give a lot of examples—just look at them—and there are many very interesting ones. Then we’ll talk about what it all means.

“Adam” and Color Associations

One of the words for man in Hebrew is ʾādām. In Uto-Aztecan we have ʔitam.

Another word from that same root, ʾāḏōm, means red—and in fact the verb ʾāḏam means ‘to be red’.

In Arabic you’ve got ʾaduma, ʾadimal, and so forth. And in Uto-Aztecan, ʔitam is the word for brown. Red and brown are often associated.

Pharyngeal Sounds and Vowels

Now, the pharyngeal Hebrew ḥ is reflected by o or u. The pharyngeal ḥ is different than our English h—it’s pronounced very gutturally in the pharynx.

For example, instead of “aha” with a regular h, it’s a very guttural sound.

And that gutturalness makes its tonality very similar to round vowels. In fact, it’s always associated with round vowels like o and u.

Pharyngeal Correspondences

So here we have—usually u is what it corresponds to in Uto-Aztecan. For example, ḥēṣ is the Hebrew word for arrow; in Uto-Aztecan it’s uṣ.

You’ve got that pharyngeal ḥ causing the vowel.

ḥāmar means to smear something—again you see the pharyngeal ḥ going to u, and the r going to y. ḥarak, same thing.

More Pharyngeal Examples

ḥālal, the verb to play the flute; in Uto-Aztecan, kulul. It’s missing the initial ḥ, but it’s got the round vowels and the two l’s. It’s very similar.

Aḥa—to cough—and ohoho, and so forth.

To cry—with that guttural ḥ—you’ve got the š corresponding to s, the r to y, and the w or u, which is also like a round vowel, corresponding to ḥ.

Relationship Between w, u, i, and y

In fact, w’s and u’s are like i and y. If you say awa, you make a u sound between two a’s, and say it faster and faster, then it becomes w.

So w’s and o’s and u’s are very similar.

The Pharyngeal ʿAyin

The pharyngeal ʿayin is also a pharyngeal. But it’s voiced pharyngeal instead of voiceless. It’s a sound unique to Semitic languages, not in European languages.

In fact, in Saudi Arabia, you have two ʿayin’s. Saʿu-di—Aʿra-bia. There’s an ʿayin between Saudi and Arabia. There are consonants between those.

Anyway, the pharyngeal also goes to w or o or u. That pharyngeal behaves very much like the other pharyngeal.

Examples Involving ʿAyin

And here are some examples. For example, the verb ṣāʿaq is the word to cry—or “to cry out”—in Hebrew; in Uto-Aztecan, soach. You’ve got that “ooa” that shows the presence of a pharyngeal.

Šaʿa—ʿāhab, to delight in or love. In Uto-Aztecan, shoa.

Oh, this is a great one. In Arabic, there is a verb to grow old—specifically used for women. It’s not used for men or any other kind of creature. It means for a woman to grow old. Its consonants are ʿ, ġ, and z—ġ-z-y. ġaẓiya.

In Tarahumara, one of our Uto-Aztecan languages—identical. And it specifically means to grow old (only women): wakaza. For some reason, there’s not such a verb for men. There’s a little bit of chauvinism in ancient languages.

Anyway, you see the ‘ayin, corresponding to the W. ġaẓiya and wakaza, word for older woman.

Shelar—hair. Šaʿar in Arabic; in Uto-Aztecan, wiša.

You see the š corresponding, the pharyngeal ‘ayin to w, and the r to e.

More Word Comparisons

Word for boy: naʿar; in Uto-Aztecan niya.

Again, the pharyngeal ayin with the w/y, and the r going to e.

Enough of that one. Let’s look at a few more here.

Final Comparative Examples

The word for forest: yaʿar. yui

To swallow: bālaʿ; in Uto-Aztecan kʷu. Again, b corresponding to kw, l to l, and ʿ to u.

The word for ‘leech’ in Hebrew and Arabic—ʿalūq. In Uto-Aztecan, wak.

Glottal Stop Behavior

The Semitic ʾaleph (glottal stop) also acts like a pharyngeal. The glottal stop is like an “uh uh” catch in the throat—ʔ.

It often went to w. In fact, it does in Arabic; glottal stops sometimes go to w.

Final Linguistic Alignments

The word for lion in Hebrew—ʾaryēh; in Uto-Aztecan, warya.

The word for “believe”: yaʾamin, ʾāman—“he believes” in Hebrew. Yahwamin means “to believe” in Uto-Aztecan. Ya amino, amino—“he believes him” or “believes it”—is another Hebrew word from that verb.

Gabrielino: -o—I know it’s missing the m, but it’s actually got the -o meaning “him” or “it” as an object.

Probability Observation

The probability of those seven segments aligning perfectly like that—I figured out manually once—it’s one in several thousand anyway, the probability of it aligning by chance.

There are a lot of other interesting words—we don’t have time to go over all of them. Let’s run to the Egyptian.

Oh yes, and what’s interesting is in Uto-Aztecan, we not only find about 600–700 similarities between Hebrew and Uto-Aztecan, we also find about 300 similarities between Egyptian and Uto-Aztecan. Egyptian & Uto-Aztecan parallels

Similarities Between Egyptian and Uto-Aztecan

This first one was not found by me. It was found by Cyrus Gordon, an internationally renowned Semiticist, who happened to notice that the Aztec word—Classical Nahuatl—for crocodile, cipactli, which comes from Uto-Aztecan supak, was very similar to the Egyptian word for crocodile, Sobek.

Oh yes—and the old perfective in Egyptian has verbs ending in -e if it was past tense or passive/stative kinds of things. Interestingly, in Uto-Aztecan there’s a mechanism that has verbs ending in -a being active or transitive, and verbs ending in -e being passive, intransitive, and stative—exactly like it is in Egyptian.

The passive -w or -ew in Egyptian—exact same thing in Uto-Aztecan. In fact, there are four ways in Egyptian to make a verb stative or passive, and one in Arabic—and Uto-Aztecan has all five of them quite prominently.

This goes into pronouns—we don’t have time for pronouns. Let’s take a look at some Egyptian words.

Egyptian Consonants and Uto-Aztecan

By the way, in Egyptian we only have the consonants. We know a little bit about the vowels from Coptic, even though they’re debatable sometimes. We have a few vowels figured out by transliterations into other languages, but a lot of it is still quite unknown.

So the Egyptian consonants for a verb meaning “to pierce” are t-k-s. In Uto-Aztecan, tikselo is the verb meaning to pierce or poke.

k-m is the verb meaning black, brown—any dark color. In Coptic, kēme; in Uto-Aztecan, koma, meaning dark gray, brown, black.

n-m-y is the word for traveling or crossing something. In Uto-Aztecan, nami means traveling, walking around, crossing an area or a river.

Wnš—or wunish, whatever the vowels were—in Coptic, onch; in Uto-Aztecan, once, onceo, and onceu, the word for “fox.”

100 out of 1000 Examples

Let’s just pick out a few of each page. Like I say, there are about a thousand of these—we’re going to show you about a hundred or 150. If you want all of them, they’re in a book in the back. By the title of this, if you want the whole story and you’re interested in this kind of thing, you’ve got all the details in 110 pages back there. We’re just getting the tip of the iceberg here.

For example, šim in Egyptian, the word for “go” or “walk”; sema in Uto-Aztecan.

Another: sbk (Egyptian), calf of the leg or lower leg; in Uto-Aztecan sepika—same three consonants. Calf of the leg, lower leg.

Oh, by the way, Coptic is a later form of Egyptian that did put vowels into it. It existed about the time of Christ.

s-b-t in Coptic; sapi in Uto-Aztecan, meaning fence or enclosure.

k-b in Egyptian, meaning cool, calm, quiet; kopa in Uto-Aztecan, quiet and calm.

Similarities Between Egyptian and Uto-Aztecan

This first one was not found by me. It was found by Cyrus Gordon, an internationally renowned Semiticist, who happened to notice that the Aztec word—Classical Nahuatl—for crocodile, cipactli, which comes from Uto-Aztecan supak, was very similar to the Egyptian word for crocodile, Sobek.

Oh yes—and the old perfective in Egyptian has verbs ending in -e if it was past tense or passive/stative kinds of things. Interestingly, in Uto-Aztecan there’s a mechanism that has verbs ending in -a being active or transitive, and verbs ending in -e being passive, intransitive, and stative—exactly like it is in Egyptian.

The passive -w or -ew in Egyptian—exact same thing in Uto-Aztecan. In fact, there are four ways in Egyptian to make a verb stative or passive, and one in Arabic—and Uto-Aztecan has all five of them quite prominently.

This goes into pronouns—we don’t have time for pronouns. Let’s take a look at some Egyptian words.

Similarities Between these two languages

By the way, in Egyptian we only have the consonants. We know a little bit about the vowels from Coptic, even though they’re debatable sometimes. We have a few vowels figured out by transliterations into other languages, but a lot of it is still quite unknown.

So the Egyptian consonants for a verb meaning “to pierce” are t-k-s. In Uto-Aztecan, tikselo is the verb meaning to pierce or poke.

k-m is the verb meaning black, brown—any dark color. In Coptic, kēme; in Uto-Aztecan, koma, meaning dark gray, brown, black.

n-m-y is the word for traveling or crossing something. In Uto-Aztecan, nami means traveling, walking around, crossing an area or a river.

Wnš—or wunish, whatever the vowels were—in Coptic, onch; in Uto-Aztecan, once, onceo, and onceu, the word for “fox.”

Egyptian Article Prefixes as Proofs

Now, Egyptian has article prefixes. For a feminine noun, wꜣ means “a bee.” tꜣ means “the,” so you’d put that on the front, meaning “the bee.” And nꜣ is the plural “the” in Egyptian, meaning “the bees.” So you have wꜣ, tꜣ, and nꜣ as prefixes to the word.

And here we have in Uto-Aztecan: the Tarahumara language has three different variants for this word “bumblebee”: napara, tapara, and wapara.

The -para part is simply a vowel change. Since the last vowel is a, it tends to change the vowels in front of it to a. That happens often in English and other languages. So para becomes para. Intervocalic t becomes r often.

So para is the word for bee, and it has those same three prefixes for a feminine noun. In Egyptian, bit is a feminine noun. Boy, you can’t get a much better match than that. direct word comparisons between Egyptian and Uto-Aztecan

Egyptian–Uto-Aztecan Word Parallels

A few more: Egyptian bꜣk (hawk); in Uto-Aztecan, pak.

Now we have to show you these. The word for lion in Egyptian—mꜣꜥy (consonants m-ʔ-y). Remember, the glottal stop goes to w, and i is the same as y. In Coptic, it’s moui. In Uto-Aztecan, mawya—all three consonants showing perfectly.

tjt—a shroud or garment—in Egyptian; in Uto-Aztecan, tutui—all three consonants matching.

tꜣ is the Egyptian word for earth; in Uto-Aztecan, ti, meaning dirt, dust, sand.

Sot—the word for son.

Glottal Stop Correspondence and Shifts

The word for old man, or “to be old,” in Egyptian—that’s an i, glottal stop, w—iwꜣ; in Uto-Aztecan, yowa—again, the glottal stop showing with rounding and the w.

This is wonderful: sbꜣ. In Coptic, it’s sba. But Coptic has already lost the glottal stop of Egyptian—it only has the s originally from the Egyptian. Whereas Uto-Aztecan has all three consonants still showing. But the glottal stop jumped from the third consonant to the second. So seepo is the word for star in Uto-Aztecan.

And by the way, this is a consistent pattern—the glottal stop jumping ahead for certain words or kinds of vocalizations.

Transition to Hebrew Sound Correspondences

We’re not going to have time to show you all this. I’ve got to show you one other page, and then we’ll come to some conclusions.

Anyway, after I found all of these Egyptian words, the sound correspondences of Egyptian were a little bit different than what I had found for Hebrew.

The t goes to s, and the b to p, and so forth. Then I started noticing lots of words in Uto-Aztecan as well where the Hebrew b corresponded to p.

Hebrew “b → p” Correspondence Examples

Here’s a good list of them. The p-dialect of Hebrew, for example—the word in Hebrew for lightning is baraq; in Uto-Aztecan, peraq. The word for house, bēt; in Uto-Aztecan, pet.

The word also as a verb—“to spend the night”—in Uto-Aztecan means house, and pet as a verb also means to spend the night. Betach, petirach—that’s that pharyngeal ḥ behavior, and so forth.

Another example: bōʾ means “coming,” or also “the way,” in Hebrew; po, identical in Uto-Aztecan for road or path.

This is a good one: bāṣaʿ, to look or see; bassar, to open the eyes. In Arabic, baṣar for eye—the Hebrew voweling would be bosi, which matches Uto-Aztecan pusi. This is a bit strange, but it matches. We don’t have that word in Hebrew per se.

The word for daughter, bat; in Uto-Aztecan, pate.

Discovery of a “p-Dialect” in Uto-Aztecan

And so forth. Several hundred other words showed me that there is also a p-dialect of Hebrew in Uto-Aztecan. And it wasn’t until I found all three of these that it dawned on me—I’m a little slow and dense at times—that here we have one dialect of Hebrew, or Hebrew/Aramaic (it actually has a lot of Aramaic leaning).

Northwest Semitic Connections: Hebrew and Aramaic

This p-dialect of Northwest Semitic—shall we call it—Aramaic and Hebrew are both part of the Northwest Semitic branch of Semitic. Anyway, we have a p-dialect of Hebrew, and we have it matching Egyptian, and then we have a kw-dialect of Hebrew.

Possible Book of Mormon Connection: Zarahemla

And then it comes to mind, of course, the union of the Mulekites with the Nephites—Nephites who are dealing with both Egyptian and Hebrew uniting with the Mulekites. And it would appear, at first glance—in fact, there’s a whole bunch of other evidence that I don’t have time to show you—but this actually is a descendant of the language of Zarahemla, because you have all of them.

Reactions from Linguistic Experts

Now, of course, I’ve run this privately past a few Uto-Aztecan PhDs in linguistics that I work with—they’re non-LDS—and shown these similarities, and their jaws drop. They are really quite overwhelmed with the number and quality of the similarities. But it has not been published, so give me a little more time. I need to figure a few more things out and put some other things together first.

But from both LDS specialists, Semitic specialists and non-LDS Semitic specialists, and non-Uto-Aztecanists, it seems to be a very strong case.

And you know, this is only one of the 150 language families in the Americas. There are a lot of interesting things in other language families. So it’s all yet to be worked out, and it will all come out in the wash.

Responding to Critics

So when the critics say there is no language evidence for the Book of Mormon that has been accepted by the linguistic community, they are correct. There’s nothing yet that has been accepted by the linguistic community—but that doesn’t mean it’s not there.

The progress of Native American language study generally is slow. It takes about three to five lifetimes to really get a language family figured out.

Q&A

Anyway—hey, let’s take a few questions.

First question:

This asks about other language families besides Uto-Aztecan. There are people who have claimed, for example, Swadesh claimed something for the Zapotecan languages. There’s a handful of similarities with Hebrew—not enough that anybody’s really paid attention to them.

Another person has put together some similarities with Quechua in the south, and about half of those are really good and could be worked up according to linguistic methodology, but that has not been done yet. Half of them are spurious and do not work so well.

Others have claimed things for Plains Indians, Iriquoi and so forth. I’ve looked at those languages myself. In fact, the reason I focused on Uto-Aztecan is because I looked at a few dozen language families before focusing on this one. There are some interesting things in other language families, but none of them have been put together, written up, and presented convincingly to the linguistic community—not even close. And so that has not been done yet.

Second Question:

(You’re assuming I can read small print!) This talks about the Uto-Aztecans not arriving in Mesoamerica until after 900 AD. Yes, Aztecan came quite late to where it is now. They claimed to have come from the northwest of there, which is interestingly where all the other Uto-Aztecan languages are.

Not only that, but I think that with time I might figure out where they come from exactly by language comparisons and areas.

But that doesn’t mean they didn’t come from the south, go north, and then return southward—perhaps survivors of the destruction of the Nephites—while others were northward. The homeland of the Uto-Aztecans is somewhere in northwest Mexico or the southwest U.S.

Third Question

This talks about the Olmec. Yes, the Olmec are the archaeological entity in the Gulf of Mexico that might be Jaredite-related, and that the Michoacán language family is associated with the Olmec tradition. That’s probably true—I don’t doubt it at all.

And this is basically asking about Jaredite languages. Yes, I am very interested in that matter. I think a lot of American Indian languages are more Jaredite-descended than Lehite—but that’s about three more lifetimes of research.

If anybody wants to become a linguist and dive into that, they’re welcome. My life’s two-thirds over, and I’m going to focus on as many language families as I can with the Lehi problem.

Question: We see in your examples words written—do these languages have written forms?

Answer: Some of them do. Some are simply spoken languages that linguists record. Others have modern written forms—they borrowed the Roman alphabet, just like we English speakers did.

The Romans borrowed the Greek alphabet to write Latin. The Greeks borrowed the Phoenician alphabet, and the Hebrews and Phoenicians got many of their symbols from Egyptian. So English is “reformed Egyptian,” too.

Here’s a very good question, and I meant to touch upon it:

Question: There are a lot of word similarities—are there any grammatical similarities?

Answer: Yes, I have found a few, but not many. That’s my focus for the next few years—to learn Egyptian better and find some grammatical similarities.

With more research, I think we can identify time and place of Egyptian influence and so forth. That will be interesting and mostly still needs to be done.

Question: Have you made comparisons with Mesoamerican and Hebrew languages?

Answer: Yes, I’ve looked at Mesoamerican languages. There are a couple of language families I want to look into—Oto-Manguean is interesting, and Hokan is interesting—but I haven’t had time yet.

Question: Aztec being a dead language—how do we know how it sounded?

Answer: Well, Aztec is not a dead language. There are still about a million speakers of Aztecs in Mexico—different dialects descended from Classical Nahuatl. But yeah, to be sure, one of the larger languages, still about a million speakers.

The largest Native language in the United States is Navajo, about 200,000 speakers; second largest is Cherokee, about 50,000. Others are less than 10,000, some less than 100, some already extinct.

But in Latin America, you have a million speakers of Aztec, six million speakers of Quechua—lots of languages flourishing there.

They don’t insist on public education in the same way—where they must learn Spanish—so they retain their native languages more than in the U.S., where English dominates.

So I’m an English teacher and a linguist—I’m working against myself. But they pay English teachers more, so that’s what I do for a living, and I try to help Native languages stay alive by not forcing English too aggressively.

Question: Is 600–700 similar words significant?

Yes, because some language relationships are founded on 50 similarities or less.

When you get 300 for each group, that is significant. But linguists would not accept a tripartite relationship—each relationship would have to stand on its own merit.

By the time everything is sifted, there will probably be enough for each hypothesis to stand on its own merit. But—give us time.

Search topics Uto-Aztecan language family; Hebrew language connections; Egyptian language parallels; Semitic linguistics; Book of Mormon language; Nephite language; Mulekite language; Zarahemla language; sound correspondences linguistics; historical linguistics methodology; Native American languages origins; linguistic evidence Book of Mormon; Proto-Uto-Aztecan; phonology sound shifts; morphology language comparison; pharyngeal consonants; glottal stop linguistics; Hebrew Egyptian mix language; language families Americas; linguistic reconstruction methods CES Letter language claims; Mormon language evidence criticism; Book of Mormon historicity debate; Mormon Church criticism language evidence; Are Mormons Christian linguistic claims; LDS apologetics language evidence; criticism of Book of Mormon languages; Native American origins debate Mormon; Mormon archaeology and linguistics; LDS truth claims evidence

Who Shall Ascend Into the Hill of the Lord? An Old Testament Framework for Understanding the Exclusive Nature of the Temple

Start Here

Question
Why are LDS temples not open to everyone?

Short Answer
Latter-day Saint temples are not open to everyone because they are considered sacred spaces. There, individuals prepare to make covenants with God. Access is based on spiritual readiness and worthiness, similar to how sacred space was approached in the Old Testament. While this can feel exclusive, the invitation is open to all who are willing to prepare.
Key Takeaways
  • LDS temples are viewed as literal dwelling places of God
  • Limited access is about preparation, not exclusion
  • Old Testament temples also had strict access requirements
  • Worthiness replaces ancient ritual purity laws
  • Anyone can enter the temple by choosing to prepare and live the standards

Summary

Summary

Tyler Golightly explains that many misunderstandings about Latter-day Saint temples stem from a modern lack of understanding about sacred space. By examining Old Testament teachings—particularly from Exodus, Leviticus, and Psalms—he shows that ancient Israelites also maintained strict boundaries around holy places, not to exclude people arbitrarily, but to protect both individuals and the community from the consequences of unprepared encounters with the divine.

The talk then connects these ancient principles to modern LDS temple practices. While Latter-day Saints no longer follow ritual purity laws, they maintain standards of worthiness and preparation to enter the temple. Golightly emphasizes that temple “exclusivity” is not about exclusion, but about preparation. Ultimately, the temple is open to all who are willing to enter into covenants and live accordingly, reinforcing that holiness is an invitation—not a barrier.

TL;DR

TL;DR (Too Long; Didn’t Read)

Latter-day Saint temples are considered sacred spaces where individuals prepare to encounter God, which is why access is limited to those who meet certain spiritual standards. This practice isn’t unique—it reflects ancient patterns of holiness found in the Old Testament, where sacred spaces required preparation and purity. The goal isn’t to exclude people, but to invite everyone to become ready to enter and participate.

 Who Shall Ascend Into the Hill of the Lord? :An Old Testament Framework for Understanding the Exclusive Nature of the Temple

Introduction: The Church and Perception

The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints occupies an awkward place in the religious world. To the casual observer, we may appear to be like any other church. We worship on Sundays in normal-looking chapels, and we have a liturgy—namely the sacrament—that anyone can participate in.

This is a practice that we are comfortable talking about because it is something that we do regularly. It’s also the part of our worship that our friends can see.

LDS Temples and Exclusivity

In contrast to our chapels, there are temples—ornate, beautiful edifices. Only those who hold a current temple recommend can enter. Here, sacred ceremonies are performed. Only the initiated can participate in these ceremonies. Details are not freely discussed outside the building premises.

This part of our worship is something that many Latter-day Saints, myself included, struggle to talk about. We want to communicate the unique nature of the temple. But we want to avoid making it sound like we’re hiding something nefarious.

This difficulty is compounded by the temple’s seemingly exclusive nature.

Questions About Exclusivity

To some, that nature must mean that we have something to hide—such as concealing nefarious, even satanic rituals. On a more personal and serious level, the exclusivity of the temple and its ceremonies can feel isolating to those not of our faith.

Many Latter-day Saint weddings have family members and friends of the new couple waiting outside the temple. Because they are not members of the Church or do not hold a current temple recommend.

Both of these situations lead many to ask the same questions: Why exclusivity? Why not open the temple up to everyone? Why keep people out?

Misconceptions About the Temple

The exclusive nature of the temple—and many saints’ struggle to answer questions about it—has led some people to many erroneous and also entertaining conclusions:

  • The Church is hiding nefarious satanic practices, or kidnap people or sacrifice to the devil.
  • The Church intentionally excludes people because they hate sinners, the LGBT community, and/or anyone who isn’t a perfect Latter-day Saint.
  • The Church does not want the public to witness their pagan, occultic, and masonic ceremonies, which prove they are most certainly not Christian.
  • The exclusive nature of the temple is just fuel for a cultural superiority complex.
  • The temple’s secret because it’s just downright crazy.

All these are based on real things that I saw on the wonderful wide internet.

The Problem: Lack of Framework

I feel that many members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints struggle to answer these questions in an informed and sensitive way because we lack the proper framework to think and talk about the concept of sacred space.

After all, we live in a world today where information is readily available and nothing is hidden. In such a world, religious spaces and ceremonies closed to the public are naturally seen as weird or cultish.

A Framework For Talking About the Temple

Turning to the Old Testament

Finding ourselves in a society that has no concept of the sacred, how do we as Latter-day Saints talk about this place that not everyone can enter—where we do things that not everyone can participate in? This is a difficult and unique predicament to be in. But fortunately, there is an answer.

That answer can be found in a beloved volume of scripture, the Old Testament—more specifically, the books of Exodus and Leviticus with their ritual purity laws. The texts of the Old Testament have unconsciously informed the way we view sacred space, which in turn informs the way we restrict access to the temple.

Purpose of the Talk

My purpose here is to build an initial framework for understanding exclusivity and sacred space based on the writings of the Old Testament.

  1. I will begin by exploring Israelite and ancient Near Eastern thought on the temple as a dwelling place of a deity.
  2. Then I will explore the Israelite concept of holiness and how that informed access to sacred space.
  3. Finally, I will relate these concepts to the temples of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints today.

The Old Testament and Sacred Space

Understanding Israelite Thought

Before similarities can be fleshed out between Israelite sacred space theology and Latter-day Saint temple theology, this fundamental question must be answered: How did the ancient Israelites think about sacred space?

The Israelites existed in an ancient Near Eastern context, and naturally they borrowed many ideas from their neighbors. This was especially true for ideas about sacred space.

For example, in many ancient Near East societies, a temple was viewed as the dwelling place of whatever deity whose temple it was.

God’s Dwelling Place

A major part of the Babylonian creation myth, the Enuma Elish, is when the gods create a temple in Babylon as a place where they could dwell and rest. The Anunnaki speaking to Marduk says:

Now Lord, seeing you have established our freedom, what favor can we do for you? Let us make a shrine of great renown. Your chamber will be our resting place wherein we may repose. Let us erect a shrine to house a pedestal wherein we may repose when we finish the work.

The Tabernacle and Temple in Israelite Thought

The Israelites thought of the tabernacle—and later the temple—as literal dwelling places of the Lord. In Exodus 25, Jehovah commands Moses to:

. . . tell the Israelites to take for me an offering; from all whose hearts prompt them to give you shall receive the offering for me. … And have them make me a sanctuary, that I may dwell among them. In accordance with all that I show you concerning the pattern of the tabernacle and of all its furniture, so you shall make it (Exodus 25:2, 8–9, NRSV).

The Lord Dwelling Among His People

In 1 Kings 6, Solomon is in the process of building the temple, and he receives a revelation from the Lord. The Lord says to him:

Concerning this house that you are building, if you will walk in my statutes, obey my ordinances and keep all my commandments by walking in them, then I will establish my promise with you, which I made to your father David. I will dwell among the children of Israel, and will not forsake my people, Israel.

A Place for God to Dwell

Later, in his dedicatory prayer for the newly constructed temple in Jerusalem, Solomon said:

“I have built you… an exalted house, a place for you to dwell in forever.”

The Meaning of “Dwell”

The Hebrew for the word “dwell,” used in these verses, is šākan. In this context, it involves a proper dwelling—a lasting stay, not a passing transition.

Thus, when the Lord is said to dwell somewhere, it means that He literally dwells there. The Israelites considered the tabernacle and the later temple as places where the Lord literally dwelt and lived among His people.

Holiness and Consecration

Because both the tabernacle and the temple were seen as the literal dwelling places of Jehovah, they were considered holy. In Exodus 29:43–44, it reads:

I will meet with the Israelites there (meaning the tabernacle), and it shall be sanctified by my glory. I will consecrate the tent of meeting and the altar. Aaron also and his sons I will consecrate to serve me as priests. I will dwell among the Israelites and I will be their God.

Holiness

It is the Lord’s glory—or more precisely His divine presence or kabod—that makes the tabernacle holy. But what is the meaning of the word “holy”? Despite being a near universal idea, it is actually quite a bit difficult to precisely define.

The Hebrew root for holy, qodeš, denotes something as being set apart from the world. Kurt Goldammer describes “the holy” as “the entirely different.” He writes that “the holy is not just different from all things human. It is also different from the normal world and the temporal [or profane]. If something is holy, it is sometimes literally set apart entirely from the rest of the world and it must be kept that way.

According to the Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament, “What is holy and what is profane are to be strictly distinguished, with the latter not allowed to come into contact with the former.”

Holiness and Sacred Space

This concept of holiness was central to how the Israelites thought about and dealt with sacred space. It is also the most important concept for Latter-day Saints to understand as we interact with the relevant Old Testament texts dealing with sacred space.

In the minds of the Israelites and other ancient Near Eastern peoples, the primary way that the outside—or profane—world interacted or came into contact with the holy was through impurity.

Impurity as the Foe of Holiness

Jacob Milgrom writes, “Impurity is the implacable foe of holiness wherever it exists. It assaults the sacred realm even from afar.” If the profane were to come into contact with the holy, whether indirectly or directly, the consequences would be catastrophic for the offender and the community.

So what exactly were those consequences?

Examples of Impurity in the Old Testament

Preparation at Mount Sinai

Three episodes in the Old Testament shed light on the subject. In Exodus 19, the Israelites are far beyond the Red Sea and have reached Sinai. The Lord reveals to Moses that He wants to make Israel a kingdom of priests and a holy nation by covenanting with them and giving them a law.

Not only would He be giving Israel a law, but the Lord would also come down upon Mount Sinai in the sight of all people. This was a momentous occasion, which is why the children of Israel had to prepare for it by washing their clothes and abstaining from sexual contact for three days.

Physical Impurity

There was also one very important commandment which they had to keep while they were at the mountain:

Be careful not to go up to the mountain or to touch the edge of it. Any who touch the mountain shall be put to death. No hand shall touch them, but they shall be stoned or shot with arrows; whether animal or human being, they shall not live.

The Lord would eventually invite the Israelites to join Moses on the mountain. But any uninvited crossing of the threshold between sacred and profane warranted immediate execution at the hands of the people.

For God to come down to Sinai and converse with Moses, no one could contaminate the mountain—and the people were to be the enforcers of this prohibition.

Nadab and Abihu

Jumping ahead a little bit in Leviticus 10, the tabernacle has just been dedicated, and as signified by the appearance of the glory—or the kavod—of the Lord in the sight of all Israel, it was now considered holy.

For the Israelites, this theophany surely must have been a wonderful and awesome—in the literal sense—experience. One which surely no one would forget.

Except two rather important individuals seem to have forgotten—Nadab and Abihu, sons of Aaron and members of the priestly caste.

In their enthusiasm to officiate in their priestly office, they seemingly forgot the now holy nature of the sanctuary and the need to keep the profane out. They took their censers and offered unholy fire before the Lord such as He had not commanded them.

Nadab and Abihu brought coals from an outside—or profane—source into the tabernacle tent itself, thereby contaminating it. The universal order had just been violated.

Consequences of Profaning the Holy

And the consequence for such a crime? We read:

“And there went out fire from the Lord and devoured them, and they died before the Lord.”

For the individual offender—or offenders in this case—the consequence of profaning the holy sanctuary could be immediate death by the hand of God.

Spiritual Impurity

However, the Israelites did not believe that the impure had to physically violate the bounds of the sacred in order for contamination to occur. The sins of the people could also indirectly contaminate the sanctuary, and thus the sanctuary itself had to be purified.

This belief was the motivation behind the various purification or sin offerings as prescribed by the Torah.

The Need for Purification

Why did the sanctuary itself have to be purified? Jacob Milgrom writes:

“God will not abide in a polluted sanctuary. To be sure, the merciful one would tolerate a modicum of pollution, but there is a point of no return. If the pollution levels continue to rise, the end is inexorable; God abandons the sanctuary and leaves the people to their doom.”

God’s Justice and Mercy

It should be noted that in the view of the Israelites, Jehovah was not a strict God who arbitrarily and capriciously smote the people for the smallest of inadvertent ethical or ritual wrongs.

The contamination brought upon the sanctuary by such wrongs was cleansed through regular sin offerings described in Leviticus 4.

The well-being and prosperity of the entire community and civilization was at risk if the sanctuary was not purified quickly—or was profaned repeatedly. Continual profanation of the sanctuary through intentional wrongdoing would bring the judgment of God on the people.

Ezekiel and the Departure of God’s Presence

Now we come to Ezekiel. In Ezekiel, the prophet is shown in vision the idolatrous practices and worship of foreign deities—abominations, as the prophet refers to them—taking place within the temple complex at Jerusalem.

The children of Israel had violated the sanctity of the temple by building and worshiping idols, as well as worshiping deities or objects that were certainly not related to Jehovah.

The Lord says to Ezekiel:

“Mortal, do you see what they are doing? The great abominations the house of Israel are committing here to drive me far from my sanctuary?”

Ultimately, God’s presence leaves the temple, and the people are delivered to destruction as a result of their continual sin.

The people have polluted the sanctuary with their ethical—and more importantly, their ritual—sins to the point that it was impossible for the presence of the Lord to remain there.

The Stakes of Holiness

It is hopefully obvious that—at least in the Israelite worldview—people’s lives were at stake when it came to holiness.

Contact between the holy and the profane or impure meant, at best, almost certain death to the offending party—and at worst, contact between the two would lead to the divine presence of Jehovah being driven from sacred space.

Such an action would bring cataclysmic levels of death and destruction to the community, as illustrated by the eventual carrying away of the people to Babylon.

Transition to Application

And for those of you wondering how this could all possibly relate to us as members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints—don’t worry.

Everything should start to make a little bit more sense from here on out.

Controlled Temple Access Anciently

Improper interaction with the holy would bring death—either by the hand of God or man. Thus, access to the holy was strictly controlled and limited.

In some ancient Near Eastern cultures, one would have to pass by a set of guardian statues in order to enter the temple complex. These guardians were thought to ward off demons and protect the sanctuary from being defiled.

Ensuring Purity of Temple Attendees

The tabernacle and later the temple at Jerusalem did not have such measures. But there were other means of protecting the sanctuary. To illustrate this, we’re going to step away from the dizzying rules and regulations of the priestly text for a moment. Instead, let’s turn to the warm, soothing embrace of the Psalms.

Psalms 15 and 24 are thought to be part of a gate liturgy. A festival procession would make its way to the gates of the temple complex. There, a priest would ask the leader of the procession if the members of that company met the ritual and ethical requirements to enter the temple complex.

The leader of the procession would then affirm that they did indeed meet the requirements. This liturgy served as a way to both:

  1. admit the prepared to receive their blessings and
  2. prevent those who were impure from being cursed at the hand of God.

Psalm 24

The 24th Psalm reads:

Who shall ascend into the hill of the Lord? Or who shall stand in his holy place?

He that hath clean hands and a pure heart, who hath not lifted up his soul into vanity (or what is “vaults” in the NRSV) nor sworn deceitfully.

He shall receive the blessing from the Lord and righteousness from the God of his salvation.

This is the generation of them that seek him, that seek thy face, O Jacob (or as NRSV translates it, or that seek the face of the God of Jacob).

Psalm 15

In a similar vein, Psalm 15 reads:

Oh Lord, who may abide in thy tabernacle, who shall dwell in thy holy hill? He that walketh uprightly, and worketh righteousness, and speaketh the truth in his heart; he that backbiteth not with his tongue, nor doeth evil to his neighbor, nor taketh up a reproach against his neighbor.

Moral and Ritual Requirements

As stated in these passages, only those who met certain conditions—that is, moral and ritual purity—could pass through the gates and be admitted into the sacred space.

These psalms illustrate that the conditions involve not just ritual purity, but the correct treatment of others. As Othmar Keel put it,

The chief wall which separates God and man is ethical misconduct toward one’s co-religionists.”

Additional Layers of Access

Additional Purity of the Priests

However, being able to enter the complex did not guarantee access to the sanctuary or its rituals. Only the priests could perform sacrifices on the altar in the courtyard or access the sanctuary itself. This regulation was enforced under penalty of death.

Common lay persons had access to the courtyard. But there were still restrictions on

  • where they could go and
  • what they could do

in that space.

For instance, they could not approach the altar and offer sacrifices there. Even if the Israelite were a male descendant of Aaron. There were further rituals and requirements that had to be met in order to officiate.

Potential officiants needed to be

  • washed,
  • anointed, and
  • clothed in priestly garments

before they could begin to offer sacrifices or enter the sanctuary. In addition, they had to live by additional requirements not imposed upon the lay people.

Higher Requirements of the High Priest

But even being a priest did not automatically grant one access to all areas of the temple. The Holy of Holies was limited to the high priest alone—and it was only accessed once a year.

If the high priest were to either:

  • enter more often,
  • access a space improperly clothed, or
  • without incense,

he would die, since that was where the Lord’s presence resided.

The high priest was also required to wear additional clothing. He had to follow stricter purity laws than those of the normal priestly class. All of this was to avoid the high priest both defiling himself and the sanctuary.

Degrees of Holiness

Ritual and ethical preparation was necessary to approach or encounter sacred space. Encountering the holy was serious business to ancient Israel.

Even within the sanctuary complex itself, there were grades of holiness, with additional requirements and preparation necessary. Only if one was prepared to enter sacred space and met the necessary requirements would they participate in what Keel calls the “holy other energy” active within the temple.

Application to Latter-day Saints

Temples as the Dwelling Place of God

So then what does all this mean for Latter-day Saints? As mentioned in the beginning, Latter-day Saints will find they have a great deal in common with Old Testament Israelites when it comes to the ways in which we view sacred space.

As signified by the engraving on nearly every temple of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, we view temples as literal dwelling places of God—where one can go to encounter Him.

Modern Revelation

The Lord even says as much in modern revelation in Doctrine and Covenants 97. He states:

And in as much as my people build a house unto me in the name of the Lord, and do not suffer any unclean thing to come into it, that it be not defiled, my glory shall rest upon it. Yea, and my presence shall be there, for I will come into it, and all the pure in heart that shall come into it shall see God. But if it be defiled, I will not come into it, and my glory shall not be there, for I will not come into unholy temples.

The Nature of the Temple

Elder James E. Talmage writes:

A temple is more than a chapel or church, more than a synagogue or cathedral. It is a structure erected as a house of the Lord, sacred to the closest communion between the Lord himself and the holy priesthood and devoted to the highest and most sacred ordinances characteristic of the age or dispensation to which the particular temple belongs.

Worthiness and Preparation

The Lord wants His covenant people to think about the temple in the same way the Old Testament Israelites did. Access to a place imbued with holiness must be limited to those who have prepared themselves for such an occasion.

For a lack of preparation—or more precisely, worthiness—on the part of an individual brings spiritual danger.

Latter Day Access to Temples

It is interesting to note that—similar to the Israelite tabernacle and temple—access to holier areas of a Latter-day Saint temple requires that one be initiated into a priestly class of sorts by being washed, anointed, and clothed in priestly garments.

However, in contrast with the Old Testament priestly class, the initiatory rite in Latter-day Saint temples today is not limited to those of a specific lineage. Rather, all members of the Church who have the requisite capacity and worthiness are able to be initiated into this priestly class and participate in rituals in the holier spaces of the temple.

While initiation into a priestly class is still required to ascend to the temple, this initiatory ordinance is available to every member of God’s covenant people that are willing to live the additional requirements that come with it.

Worthiness vs. Ritual Purity

Latter-day Saints also do not have a concept of ritual purity in the same way as the ancient Israelites did—and this is a very important difference to keep in mind when drawing parallels between modern revealed beliefs and practices and those of the Old Testament.

Latter-day Saints do not need to cleanse themselves after bodily emissions, avoid pork and shellfish—thank heavens—or avoid those with skin diseases in order to be able to enter the house of the Lord.

In contrast, access to the temple is determined by a willingness to demonstrate worthiness, which is a comparatively abstract concept signified by worthily holding a current temple recommend.

This worthiness entails not just moral righteousness and obedience to revealed laws, but also a belief in the foundational claims of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.

The Lord’s House

In his book The Holy Temple, the late President Boyd K. Packer writes:

“After a temple is dedicated, we do not feel we own it. It is the Lord’s house. He directs the conditions under which it may be used. He has revealed the ordinances that should be performed therein and has established the standards and conditions under which we may participate in them. It should not be surprising that there should be limitations as to those who may receive these ordinances and those who may witness them. It should not, therefore, seem strange that the temples are held sacred, for all who will prepare themselves by repentance, by baptism, by preparation and worthiness to meet the qualifications may enter therein to participate in the ordinances offered in the house of the Lord.”

Inclusivity and Modern LDS Temples

Who Can Enter the Temple

Every person who is willing to join the Lord’s covenant people and live by the requisite worthiness standards is able to enter and participate in the ordinances of the temple.

The Lord will deny entry to no one that comes to His house with a broken heart and a contrite spirit.

“Holiness to the Lord”

“Holiness to the Lord,” “The House of the Lord”—these two pronouncements are engraved on nearly every temple of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, and we take them literally.

The Lord has told His saints that—like the tabernacle and temple of the Old Testament—the latter-day temple is His dwelling place that contains His actual divine presence, or His glory. It is this fact that makes these edifices holy.

The holiness of the temple requires us to maintain a distinction and separation between the holy and unholy just as in times of old.

Explaining Temple Exclusivity

As Latter-day Saints, we do not need to struggle to explain the limited access to our temples. Our beliefs about sacred space have been shaped and informed by the Old Testament, and we can—and should—turn there to explain the holy nature of our temples.

Holiness is certainly not about keeping people out. It is about ensuring that they are prepared to encounter God in His house. The Lord wants all of His children to choose holiness.

Handbook Statement

The General Handbook of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints puts it this way:

The temple is the house of the Lord. Entering the temple and participating in ordinances there is a sacred privilege. This privilege is reserved for those who are spiritually prepared and striving to live the Lord’s standards as determined by authorized priesthood leaders.

Closing Testimony

Let us all strive to have clean hands and a pure heart—and invite others to do the same—so that we may all be made holy by encountering the Lord in His house, is my prayer in the name of Jesus Christ, amen.

Search topics LDS temples; sacred space; temple worthiness; temple recommend; holiness in the Old Testament; Exodus tabernacle; Leviticus purity laws; Psalms temple entrance; ancient Israel temple worship; presence of God; kabod glory; Nadab and Abihu; Mount Sinai holiness; Holy of Holies; priesthood preparation; ritual purity vs worthiness; Doctrine and Covenants temple teachings; Boyd K. Packer Holy Temple; temple ordinances; temple access requirements CES Letter temple claims; Mormon Church abuse allegations; Mormon LGBTQ temple worthiness; LDS temple secrecy criticism; are Mormons Christian temple worship; LDS temple ordinances explained; Masonry and LDS temple; Mormon women and temple access; LDS finances temple building; criticisms of temple recommend questions

August 2026 FAIR Conference

FAIR Conference 2026

August 5–7, 2026
Thanksgiving Point Showbarn | Lehi, Utah

Join leading voices in Latter-day Saint apologetics for three days of faith-building answers, thoughtful scholarship, and meaningful connection. 
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What is the FAIR Conference 2026?

The FAIR Conference is an annual gathering focused on answering questions about the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Attendees hear from scholars, educators, and faithful voices addressing topics like Church history, doctrine, and common criticisms.

Who should attend?

This event is designed for Latter-day Saints, family members, educators, and anyone seeking faithful, well-researched answers to questions about the Church.

Why Attend?

  • Faithful answers to difficult questions
  • Trusted scholars and speakers
  • Strengthen testimony and understanding
  • Connect with a like-minded community

August 2026 FAIR Conference Schedule

Day 1 – Wednesday, August 5, 2026

Scott Gordon, CEO of FAIR

7:10 PM – Scott Gordon: Unmasking the Strategies of the Enemy

Throughout the history of the restored Church, critics, ideologies, and social movements from many directions have challenged faith in prophetic leadership and the gospel of Jesus Christ. This presentation examines historical and modern attacks on the Church—from evangelical criticisms and historical revisionism to contemporary cultural and political pressures—and explores how disciples of Christ can remain centered on the gospel without becoming spiritually distracted or divided.

Scott Gordon has served as President of FAIR since 2001 and teaches business at Shasta College and BYU Pathway. He has served in many Church callings, including bishop and seminary teacher.

Anthony Sweat speaking at the FAIR Conference 2026

7:40 PM – Anthony Sweat: The Restoration Continues: Let us Continue in it!

This presentation will explore more deeply doctrinal aspects related to the ongoing Restoration including concepts like the unique work of the Church in the latter days, the Church being “true,” the the work of uniting God’s family through sealing, and what is implied by the “Restoration of all things.”

Anthony Sweat is a professor of Church History and Doctrine at BYU and department chair. He is a widely published author and artist focused on Latter-day Saint history and theology.

Day 2 – Thursday, August 6, 2026

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9:10 AM – Mark Ashurst-McGee: Joseph Smith and Treasure Digging

This presentation examines historical questions surrounding Joseph Smith and treasure digging, providing context and faithful responses to common criticisms.

Mark Ashurst-McGee is a senior historian in the Church History Department and a leading contributor to the Joseph Smith Papers Project.

Brian Hales presenting at the FAIR Conference 2026

9:40 AM – Brian Hales: Joseph Smith: A Reluctant Polygamist

This talk explores the difficult topic of plural marriage, drawing on primary sources to better understand Joseph Smith’s experience and motivations.

Brian Hales is a retired physician and leading scholar on Joseph Smith and plural marriage, with multiple publications on the subject.

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10:10 AM – Brett Dowdle: “Here is Brigham”: The Private Character of Brigham Young

This presentation offers a deeper look at Brigham Young’s personal life through his correspondence, revealing insights into his character and leadership.

Brett Dowdle is a historian in the Church History Department and has worked extensively on the Joseph Smith Papers.

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10:45 AM – Gerrit Dirkmaat: Joseph Smith’s Miraculous Translation of the Book of Mormon

This session explores the translation of the Book of Mormon and addresses questions about how the process occurred.

Gerrit Dirkmaat is a researcher and speaker on Latter-day Saint scripture and translation.

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11:15 AM – John Thompson: Framing the Facsimiles: The Book of Abraham’s Relationship to the Egyptian Vignettes

This presentation examines how Joseph Smith interpreted Egyptian facsimiles and what that reveals about his prophetic role.

John Thompson holds a PhD in Egyptology and researches ancient scripture and temple symbolism.

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11:45 AM – John Gee: The Book of Abraham: A Status Report

This talk surveys recent scholarship on the Book of Abraham and addresses ongoing questions surrounding the text.

John Gee is a professor at BYU specializing in Egyptology and ancient scripture, with extensive publications in the field.

Casey Griffiths speaking at the FAIR Conference 2026

1:15 PM – Casey Griffiths: Approaching Hard Questions in Church History and Doctrine

This presentation provides tools for understanding and addressing challenging questions using principles of epistemology and historical method.

Casey Griffiths is a BYU professor and co-host of the Church History Matters podcast.

Thomas Alexander speaking at the FAIR Conference 2026

1:45 PM – Thomas Alexander: The 1844–1847 Succession Crisis

This session explores how Church leadership transitioned after Joseph Smith’s death and the role of the Twelve Apostles.

Thomas Alexander is a renowned historian and professor emeritus of Western American history at BYU.

Josh Coates presenting at the FAIR Conference 2026

2:15 PM – Josh Coates: Black Saints and the Priesthood and Temple Restriction: Statistics on Three Positions

This presentation explores 2026 statistical data about Latter-day Saint beliefs related to the priesthood restriction.

Josh Coates is Executive Director of the B. H. Roberts Foundation and a former tech CEO.

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2:45 PM – Janiece Johnson: Unravelling the Story of the Mountain Meadows Massacre

This session analyzes the complex history of the massacre and how narratives about it have been shaped over time.

Janiece Johnson is a historian specializing in Latter-day Saint history and the Mountain Meadows Massacre.

Jasmin Rappleye speaking at the FAIR Conference 2026

3:25 PM – Jasmin Rappleye: Sacred, Secret, or “Cultish”? Demystifying the Latter-day Saint Temple

This presentation addresses criticisms of temple worship by placing it in ancient and biblical context.

Jasmin Rappleye is a content creator and scholar focused on explaining Latter-day Saint beliefs and history.

Keith Erekson speaking at the FAIR Conference 2026

3:55 PM – Keith Erekson: Which Sources Should I Trust?

This session teaches practical strategies for evaluating information and navigating misinformation.

Keith Erekson directs historical research and outreach for the Church History Department.

Ron Rhodes speaking at the FAIR Conference 2026

4:25 PM – Ron Rhodes: Understanding the Faith Crisis Industry - How Doubt is Monetized

This presentation examines organizations critical of the Church and how their messaging shapes faith crises.

Ron Rhodes is the creator of Answering LDS Critics and a contributor to FAIR and Interpreter.

Robert Stephenson presenting at the FAIR Conference 2026

4:55 PM – Robert Stephenson: Representations of the Church in Media

This talk explores how the Church is portrayed in modern media and what trends are emerging.

Robert Stephenson works in the Church Communication Department coordinating with external faith-based organizations.

Day 3 – Friday, August 7, 2026

Meagan Kohler presenting at the FAIR Conference 2026

9:10 AM – Meagan Kohler: Why God is Getting in the Way of Your Happiness

This presentation explores the difference between happiness and true discipleship, helping attendees navigate disappointment while remaining rooted in faith.

Meagan Kohler is a writer for Deseret News who focuses on faith and modern culture. She is a convert to the Church and lives in Utah County with her family.

Walker Wright presenting at the FAIR Conference 2026

9:40 AM – Walker Wright: Nourishing the Roots: How Temple Recommend Questions Can Reground Faith

This session examines how focusing on core beliefs can strengthen faith and provide stability amid doubt and complexity.

Walker Wright works in academic program leadership and teaches as an adjunct at BYU-Idaho. He writes on economics, religion, and public policy for both academic and popular audiences.

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10:10 AM – Wendy Ulrich: When Loved Ones Leave: Maintaining Faith and Relationships

This talk offers compassionate guidance for maintaining both faith and relationships when loved ones step away from the Church.

Wendy Ulrich is a licensed psychologist, former member of the Relief Society General Council, and author of several books on faith and personal growth.

Matt Roper speaking at the FAIR Conference 2026

10:45 AM – Matt Roper: Accidental Evidence for the Book of Mormon

This presentation explores how past criticisms of the Book of Mormon can, over time, become evidence supporting its authenticity.

Matt Roper is a researcher and writer for Scripture Central with extensive publications on Latter-day Saint scripture and history.

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Paul Fields: Authorship Attribute Analysis of D&C 132

This session uses statistical analysis to examine authorship claims about Doctrine and Covenants 132 and addresses questions about its origin.

Paul Fields is a statistics professor with decades of experience in data analysis and authorship attribution studies.

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11:45 AM – Michael R. Ash: Shaken Faith Syndrome

This presentation provides practical tools for navigating faith challenges and responding to criticism with confidence.

Michael R. Ash is a longtime FAIR contributor and author of multiple books addressing faith, doubt, and apologetics.

Matt Grow presenting at the FAIR Conference 2026

1:15 PM – Matt Grow: “A Record Shall Be Kept”: The Mission of the Church History Department

This talk explores the role of the Church History Department in preserving and sharing the history of the Church.

Matt Grow is Managing Director of the Church History Department and a general editor of the Joseph Smith Papers and Saints.

Gospel Scholar Jennifer Roach Lees

1:45 PM – Jennifer Roach Lees: Doctrinal Differences and “Heretical” Teachings

This presentation examines differences between Latter-day Saint beliefs and other Christian traditions and offers strategies for better dialogue.

Jennifer Roach Lees is a licensed therapist with expertise in religious dynamics and interfaith understanding.

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2:15 PM – Kendall Buchmiller: What is (and is not) Doctrine

This session explores how doctrine is defined in the Church and how understanding those distinctions can strengthen faith.

Kendall Buchmiller is a religious educator and researcher whose work focuses on theology, psychology, and faith development.

Jeffrey Thayne presenting at the FAIR Conference 2026

2:45 PM – Jeffrey Thayne: By What Measure? Why the Same Doctrine Looks Different to Different Saints

This presentation teaches how to recognize which moral frameworks are driving a critique of Church culture and teachings.

Jeffrey Thayne holds a doctorate in instructional technology and studies the intersection of the gospel and culture.

Brant A. Gardner, Book of Mormon scholar and FAIR Conference speaker

3:25 PM – Brant Gardner: Can I Trust the Book of Mormon? My Half-Century Quest to Answer that Question

This session reflects on decades of scholarship and research supporting the Book of Mormon as a foundation for faith.

Brant Gardner is an anthropologist and author specializing in Mesoamerican context and Book of Mormon studies.

Neal Rappleye presenting at the FAIR Conference 2026

3:55 PM – Neal Rappleye: A Beginner’s Guide to Book of Mormon Apologetics

This presentation provides a structured introduction to defending the Book of Mormon using modern scholarship and resources.

Neal Rappleye is a researcher and co-host of the Informed Saints podcast, with extensive publications on Book of Mormon studies.

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4:25 PM – James Perry: Historical and Contemporary Patterns: European Latter-day Saints, 1837–Present

This talk examines patterns of Church growth in Europe and offers insights into how faith is measured beyond numbers.

James Perry is a Church History Area Manager for Europe North and holds a PhD from Lancaster University.

Daniel C. Peterson speaking at the FAIR Conference 2026

4:55 PM – Daniel C. Peterson: Why Apologetics? The Case for Defending the Faith

This keynote presentation explores the importance of apologetics and why defending faith remains vital today.

Daniel C. Peterson is president of the Interpreter Foundation and a former BYU professor of Islamic studies and Arabic.

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